THE
COLLECTED
WORKS
OP
MAHATMA
GANDHI
LXVIII
(1938-1939)
THE
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WORKS
OF
MAHATMA
GANDHI
VOLUME SIXTY- EIGHT
THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
THE
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OE
MAHATMA
GANDHI
LXVIII
(1938-1939)
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF
MAHATMA GANDHI
LXVIII
(October 15, 1938- February 28, 1939)
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF
MAHATMA GANDHI
LXVIII
(October 15, 1938 - February 28, 1939)
THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
Government of India
January 1977 {Magha 1898)
© Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad, 1977
COPYRIGHT
By Kind Permission of Navajivan Trust, Ahmedabad
PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTOR, THE PUBLICATIONS DIVISION
NEW DELHI-110 001
AND PRINTED IN INDIA BY SHANTILAL HARJIVAN SHAH
NAVAJIVAN PRESS, AHMEDABAD-380 014
PREFACE
The opening of the present volume (October 15, 1938 to
February 28, 1939) finds Gandhiji in the North-West Frontier
Province, where he had gone on October 6 and stayed on till
November 9 as a guest of Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Gandhiji found
the sojourn restful, for the climate of the place was excellent and
“the peace beyond description” (p. 22). He travelled extensively,
meeting the Khudai Khidmatgars and talking to them as well
as to the local population. To the Hindus, who were exposed to
the frequent raids of Waziri tribesmen from across the border,
he conceded the right of self-defence. “You must develop a sense
of co-operation. In no case should you be guilty of cowardice,”
he said, “I do not want to see a single coward in India.” But he
offered the non-violent approach, the active practice of unilate-
ral love, as the better alternative. “You are a community of
traders. Don’t leave out of your traffic that noblest and most
precious merchandise, viz, love. Give to the tribesmen all the
love that you are capable of, and you will have theirs in return”
(p. 57). Though the Congress Ministry led by Dr. Khan Saheb had
little control over the police and none over the military, he had
hopes of evolving a plan under which the Khudai Khidmatgars
could influence even the tribesmen with the “sweet fragrance” of
their non-violence and might provide a permanent solution of the
Frontier question.
In the talks to the Khudai Khidmatgars the emphasis was
on non-violence and service. “A small body of determined spirits
fired by an unquenchable faith in their mission can alter the
course of history. It has happened before and it may again
happen if the non-violence of Khudai Khidmatgars is unalloyed
gold, not mere glittering tinsel” (p. 81). To be truly servants
of God the Khudai Khidmatgars must accept non-violence
as a living faith, for “We become godlike to the extent we
realize non-violence .... Non-violence is like radium in its action.
Even a tiny grain of true non-violence acts in a silent, subtle,
unseen way and leavens the whole society” (p. 29). How were
the Khudai Khidmatgars to serve God? By serving His creation,
said Gandhiji. “To relieve the distress of the unemployed by pro-
viding them work, to tend the sick, to wean people from their
insanitary habits, to educate them in cleanliness and healthy
[vi]
living should be the job of a Khudai Khidmatgar” (p. 43). “For
God took and needed no personal service. He served His crea-
tures without demanding any service for Himself in return. . . .
Therefore servants of God were to be known by the service they
rendered to His creatures” (p. 117).
But while Gandhiji exhorted the Red Shirts and the people
to cultivate the strength that came from non-violence and meet
the menace of the raids, he squarely blamed the policy pursued
by the British for the raids continuing. He said: “Continuation of
the raids is in my opinion a proof of British failure in this part
of India. Their Frontier policy has cost the country crores of
rupees and thousands of lives have been sacrificed . . . life and
property are not secure in most parts of the province” (pp. 55-6).
The volume witnesses also an intensification of the struggle
of the States’ people for responsible government. Attributing this
awakening to the time spirit rather than the influence of the Con-
gress, Gandhiji invited the Princes and their advisers to recognize
the people’s demand as legitimate and added: “There is no half-
way house between total extinction of the States and the Princes
making their people responsible for the administration of their
States and themselves becoming trustees for the people, taking
an earned commission for their labours . . . And if the Princes
believe that the good of the people is also their good, they would
gratefully seek and accept the Congress assistance” (pp. 151-3).
He further reminded the ruling chiefs that “if they are straight
and if they have their people really at their back, they have no-
thing to fear from the Residents. Indeed they should realize that
the Paramount Power resides not in Simla, not in Whitehall, but
in their people” (p. 275).
The upsurge was particularly active in Travancore, Rajkot,
Jaipur, Hyderabad and certain states of Orissa. The Rulers
everywhere, instead of welcoming this mass awakening amongst
their people and making them participants in the ordering of the
States’ affairs, sought to crush it and, what is more, were encou-
raged in their ways by the Paramount Power. Thus, following
the assassination of a British Political Agent, Ranpur, a small Orissa
State, became, as Gandhiji noted, “a howling wilderness”. He
added: “The people, both innocent and guilty, are in hiding.
They have deserted their homes in order to escape repression.
. . . The technique of frightfulness is no doubt being applied and
the whole of India has to be helpless witness to it” (pp. 301-2).
In State after State — Limbdi, Rajkot, Dhenkanal — it was the
same story of “fiendish cruelty exercised by the State myrmidons
[vii]
under the shadow of the police supplied by the Paramount
Power” (p. 152). There was, on occasion, even firing by police,
resulting in many deaths. No less than 26,000 out of a population
of 75,000 had to leave Talcher and take shelter in British Orissa.
In Rajkot, where the movement for responsible government
was guided by Vallabhbhai Patel, a settlement was arrived at with
the Thakore Saheb, which the latter did not respect. Imprison-
ments and harassment of the detenus in jail and “organized
goondaism by Regency Police” (p. 366) continued. Kasturba felt
impelled to join the satyagraha. She could not be “unconcerned
in a struggle in which so many reliable co-workers are involved,”
wrote Gandhiji. “Satyagraha is a struggle in which the oldest and
the weakest in body may take part, if they have stout hearts”
(p. 387). There was no abatement of the repression and Gandhiji
found it necessary himself to pay a visit to Rajkot “as a mes-
senger of peace”, and the volume ends with Gandhiji hoping,
vainly as he was soon to find out, “that there will be an honour-
able settlement” (p. 466).
In Travancore the repression was systematic and ruthless.
There were large-scale arrests, indiscriminate firing, confiscation
of property and gagging of newspapers. Gandhiji advised the
State Congress leaders to concentrate on the demand for res-
ponsible government, thus inviting from the Christians the charge
that he was partial to the Hindu Dewan. Gandhiji said: “My
conscience is quite clear ... I have been against the mixing
up of the struggle for responsible government with the charges
against the Dewan ... if they insisted on responsible government,
there was no meaning in proceeding with the charges. It would
divide the country’s attention ...” (p. 288). The satyagraha
in the state remained suspended, under Gandhiji’s advice, during
the period of this volume. In Jaipur the Praja Mandal was
banned. Gandhiji wrote to the Viceroy: “Can a State suppress
free speech, meetings and the like and expect the Paramount
Power to help it in doing so, if the afflicted people carry on
a non-violent agitation for the natural freedom to which every
human being in a decent society is entitled?” (p. 331).
While suppression of the popular movement was the gene-
ral rule, instances were not lacking of enlightened Princes here
and there going half way to meet the legitimate aspirations of
their people. In Ramdurg, Jamkhandi, Miraj and Aundh, people
secured liberal concessions from their Princes and in such cases
Gandhi impressed upon the States People’s organizations to be
restrained in their demands. Commenting on the literacy
[ viii ]
qualification for the franchise (proposed in the Aundh constitution)
Gandhiji argued that the vote should be regarded as a privilege
and should therefore carry some qualification and that this condi-
tion for the franchise would help the spread of literacy (p. 292).
When there were reports that the Ramdurg Praja Sangh wanted
to “terrorize the Ruler into making further concessions” (p. 455)
Gandhiji did not approve. He said: “It may be that the claim
is intrinsically sound. But they cannot enforce it by rowdyism
and threats . . . The representative Gongressmen in Karnatak
have to stand by the Ramdurg Ghief and see that the settlement
is honoured by the people even though in battling with them they
should lose their lives” (p. 456).
The period was also marked by a further sharpening of the
conflict in the industrial as well as agrarian spheres. There were
strikes and lock-outs and kisan marches and demonstrations were
becoming a common feature, frequently with Congressmen lead-
ing them. There was violence in the air. Gandhiji noted:
“Bihar ministers live in perpetual dread of kisan risings and
kisan marches. Only two days ago I had a wire from Khandesh
of a contemplated march to the Collector’s bungalow by ki-
sans headed by a well-known Congress worker” (p. 321). Gandhiji
saw in this the sign of internal decay and warned: “Out of the
present condition of the Congress I see nothing but anarchy
and red ruin in front of the country. Shall we face the harsh
truth at Tripuri?” (p. 321)
Things however did not go quite as Gandhiji had hoped and,
with the election of Subhas Bose as president, the Congress leader-
ship passed into the hands of sections that did not wholly
“approve of the principles and policy” for which Gandhiji stood.
Gandhiji “rejoiced” in the defeat and called upon the “mino-
rity” to give themselves up to the real work of the Congress
which was the constructive programme with khadi as its cen-
tre. Jawaharlal Nehru had called khadi “the livery of freedom”
and Gandhiji said: “To wear khadi is to me to wear free-
dom. . . . Freedom is never dear at any price. It is the
breath of life. What would a man not pay for living?” Khadi
alone provided “dignified labour to the millions who are other-
wise idle for nearly four months in the year ... if millions live in
compulsory idleness, they must die spiritually, mentally and phy-
sically” (p. 174). Again he said, “To those who are hungry and
unemployed, God can dare reveal Himself only as work and
wages and the assurance of food” (p. 447). The constructive pro-
gramme was an instrument of permanent value, whereas civil
[ix]
disobedience was limited in scope and “required suspension as
the occasion demanded” (p. 200). Constructive work was “the
permanent arm” of the Swaraj Movement; civil disobedience was
remedial and therefore in its nature temporary. Suspension of civil
disobedience doubled the importance of the constructive pro-
gramme (pp. 243-4).
He assured some Christian missionaries that there was nothing
passive about his non-violence which was, in fact, “the activest
force in the world” (p. 202). Again he told Lord Lothian:
“Constitutional or democratic government is a distant dream
so long as non-violence is not recognized as a living force, an
inviolable creed, not a mere policy” (p. 390).
Gandhiji also continued to voice his concern at Japan’s
depredations in China and Hitlerite Germany’s persecution of the
Jews. But his sympathy and admiration for the Jews did not
“blind” him to the requirements of justice. He said: “The cry
for the national home for the Jews does not make much appeal
to me. . . . Why should they not, like other peoples of the earth,
make that country their home where they are born and where
they earn their livelihood? . . . Palestine belongs to the Arabs
in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France
to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on
the Arabs ... it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the
proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews ...”
(p. 137). From the chosen race, whose gifts he extolled, he
expected nothing less than exemplary non-violence (pp. 137-41).
To meet Nazi tyranny, too, he advised the Jews to resort to
non-violence. “I am convinced,” he said, “That if someone with
courage and vision can arise among them to lead them in non-
violent action, the winter of their despair can in the twinkling
of an eye be turned into the summer of hope” (p. 140). Non-
violent people would know no fear and would neither submit
nor cringe to the dictator nor bear any grudge against him; they
would only pity him (p. 252). To critics who argued that such
non-violence was attainable only by very few highly developed indi-
viduals his answer was: “Given proper training and proper general-
ship non-violence can be practised by masses of mankind” (p. 192).
He similarly advised the Chinese that while they should resist
aggression they should not hate the Japanese but love them. He
said: “It is not enough to love them by remembering their
virtues” (p. 269). Gandhiji was convinced that the world’s
problems could be solved only through love and non-violence —
which was “the law of our life — individual, social, political, national
[x]
and international” (p. 390). He realized that just then violence
everywhere had the upper hand but he was undaunted, his
faith being “brightest in the midst of impenetrable darkness”
(p. 391).
Gandhiji was certain the world would take to the way of non-
violence only when India developed this quality, but his own im-
purity, in his humility he thought, was probably the chief stumbling-
block in the way of that hope being fulfilled. He wrote in a
letter: “My word has lost its power as it appears to me. . . . However
I push on in faith. I must detach myself from the results of my
thought, word or deed. I am not going to judge myself and
condemn me to inactivity because I cannot get rid of the im-
purity in spite of incessant effort” (p. 49). His great yearning was
“to reach the condition of Shukadevji” (p. 250). His way of get-
ting rid of impurity was the way of silence and prayer to which
he gave himself up more and more. He told a Christian mis-
sionary: “Nowadays I go into silence at prayer time every even-
ing and break it for visitors at 2 o’clock. ... It has now become
both a physical and spiritual necessity for me” (p. 173).
He also clarified his ideas on the subject of machine pro-
duction. Asked if he was against large-scale production he said:
“I never said that. The belief is one of the many superstitions
about me. . . . What I am against is large-scale production of
things villagers can produce without difficulty” (p. 258). Simi-
larly “the proper function of cities is to serve as clearing houses
for village products” (p. 259).
About prayer: “Prayer is an intense longing to have com-
munion with our Maker. It is an effort not of the intellect
but of the heart” (p. 100). Gandhiji’s estimate of his own
spiritual status was truly modest. In a letter to an admirer
(p. 40), he said, “I am an aspirant while they (Ramana Maharshi
and Sri Aurobindo) are known to be, and perhaps are, realized
souls.” In fact he claimed that when God guides one, one
should not, need not, indeed cannot, think (p. 461). On this
account of the thought-free state, Ramana Maharshi’s comment
(p. 489) concludes with the assertion, “Gandhiji’s Satja is only
the Self”. His belief in the manifestation of God in deed rather
than in thought, word, vision or a person, comes out clearly in
the conversation with Dr. Mott (p. 171). After describing the
creative experience at Maritzburg railway station, Gandhiji declar-
ed, “I have seen and believe that God never appears to you in
person, but in action which can only account for your deliver-
ance in your darkest hour.”
NOTE TO THE READER
In reproducing English material, every endeavour has been
made to adhere strictly to the original. Obvious typographical
errors have been corrected and words abbreviated in the text gene-
rally spelt out. Variant spellings of names have, however, been
retained as in the original.
Matter in square brackets has been supplied by the Editors.
Quoted passages, where these are in English, have been set up in
small type and printed with an indent. Indirect reports of speeches
and interviews, as also passages which are not by Gandhiji have
been set up in small type. In reports of speeches and interviews
slight changes and omissions, where necessary, have been made
in passages not attributed to Gandhiji.
While translating from Gujarati and Hindi, efforts have been
made to achieve fidelity and also readability in English. Where
English translations are available, they have been used with such
changes as were necessary to bring them into conformity with
the original.
Where an item has no date in the source, the inferred date
is supplied within square brackets, the reasons being given where
necessary. The writings are placed under the date of publication,
except where they carry a date-line or where the date of writing
has special signihcance and is ascertainable.
References to Volume I of this series are to the January 1969
edition.
In the source-line, the symbol S.N. stands for documents availa-
ble in the Sabarmati Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad; G.N. refers to
documents, M.M.U. to the reels of the Mobile Microhlm Unit and
S.G. to the photostats of the Sevagram collection available in
the Gandhi National Museum and Library (Rashtriya Gandhi
Sangrahalaya), New Delhi; C.W. denotes documents secured by
the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi.
The Appendices provide background material relevant to the
text. A list of sources and a chronology for the period covered by
the volume are also provided at the end.
ACKNO WLEDGEMENTS
For material in this volume we are indebted to Gandhi Smarak
Nidhi and Sangrahalaya, National Archives of India, Nehru Memo-
rial Museum and Library, New Delhi; Sabarmati Ashram Preserva-
tion and Memorial Trust and Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad; Govern-
ment of Andhra Pradesh; Anand T. Hingorani, Allahabad; Shri
Dahyabhai M. Patel, Ahmedabad; Smt. F. Mary Barr, Kottagiri;
Shri G.D. Birla, Calcutta; Shri Gulam Rasool Qureshi, Ahmedabad;
Shri Jairamdas Doulatram, New Delhi; Shri Kantilal Gandhi,
Bombay; Smt. Lilavati Asar, Bombay; Shri M. R. Masani,
Bombay; Smt. Manubehn S. Mashruwala, Bombay; Smt. Mira-
behn, Austria; Shri Narandas Gandhi, Rajkot; Smt. Prema-
behn Kantak, Saswad; Sardar Prithvi Singh, Lalru, Punjab; Shri
Purushottam K. Jerajani, Bombay; Shri Satish D. Kalelkar, Ahmeda-
bad; Shri Shantikumar N. Morarjee, Bombay; Smt. Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala, Surat; Shri Suresh Singh; Smt. Vijayabehn M. Pan-
choli, Sanosara; the publishers of the books: Bapuki Chhayamen Mere
Jivanke Solah Varsh, 1932-1948, Bapuna Bane Patro, Bapuna Patro-4:
Manibehn Patelne, Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, Bapuni Prasadi,
{The) Brotherhood of Religions, (A) Bunch of Old Letters, Incidents of
GandhijPs Life, Madhya Pradesh aur Gandhiji, Mahatma'. The Life of
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Vol. VI, Panchven Putrako Bapuke
Ashirvad, {A) Pilgrimage for Peace, Talks with Sri Ramana Maharshi, and
the following newspapers and journals: The Bombay Chronicle,
Harijan, Harijanbandhu, The Hindu, The Hindustan Times, Indian
National Congress, February 1938 to January 1939, Sarvodaya and
The Times of India.
For research and reference facilities, we owe thanks to the
Research and Reference Division of the Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting, National Archives of India, and Shri Pyarelal
Nayyar, New Delhi; and for assisting in photo-printing documents,
to the Photo Division of the Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, New Delhi.
CONTENTS
PREFACE V
NOTE TO THE READER xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xiii
1 NOTE TO MAHADEV DESAI (Before 15-10-1938) 1
2 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS-I (On or before 15-10-1938) 1
3 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS-II (On or before 15-10-1938) 3
4 TALK WITH ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN (On or before 15-10-1938) 4
5 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (15-10-1938) 5
6 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (15-10-1938) 6
7 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (15-10-1938) 6
8 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (15-10-1938) 8
9 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (15-10-1938) 8
10 LETTER TO VIJAYA N. PATEL (15-10-1938) 9
11 LETTER TO SHARDA C. SHAH (15-10-1938) 9
12 LETTER TO H. P. RANGANATH AIYENGAR (16-10-1938) 10
13 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (16-10-1938) 10
14 SPEECH AT NOWSHERA (16-10-1938) 11
15 SPEECH AT HOTI MARDAN (16-10-1938) 13
16 LETTER TO SHAMLAL (17-10-1938) 14
17 LETTER TO SIKANDAR HAYAT KHAN (17-10-1938) 15
18 LETTER TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRI (17-10-1938) 15
19 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (17-10-1938) 16
20 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (17-10-1938) 16
21 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (17-10-1938) 17
22 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (17-10-1938) 18
23 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (17-10-1938) 19
24 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (17-10-1938) 19
25 SPEECH AT SWABI (17-10-1938) 20
26 LETTER TO ROY KUMAR SING (18-10-1938) 21
27 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (18-10-1938) 21
28 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (18-10-1938) 22
29 LETTER TO MOOLCHAND AGRAWAL (18-10-1938) 22
30 HINDUSTANI, HINDI AND URDU (19-10-1938) 23
31 FOREWORD TO “dadabhai naoroji” (19-10-1938) 25
32 LETTER TO RUSTOM MASANI (19-10-1938) 26
33 DISCUSSION WITH ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN (19/20-10-1938) 27
34 NOTES (20-10-1938) 31
35 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (20-10-1938) 32
36 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (20-10-1938) 33
[xvi]
37 LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA (20-10-1938) 33
38 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (21-10-1938) 34
39 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA (21-10-1938) 35
40 THE CONFISCATED LANDS (22-10-1938) 36
41 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (22-10-1938) 37
42 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (22-10-1938) 37
43 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (22-10-1938) 38
44 LETTER TO PRABHAVATI (22-10-1938) 39
45 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, KOHAT (22-10-1938) 39
46 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (22/23-10-1938) 40
47 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (22/23-10-1938) 41
48 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (23-10-1938) 43
49 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (23-10-1938) 44
50 THE NATIONAL FLAG (24-10-1938) 47
51 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (24-10-1938) 49
52 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (24-10-1938) 50
53 LETTER TO SHARDA C. SHAH (24-10-1938) 51
54 woman’s special mission (25-10-1938) 51
55 LETTER TO MOTILAL ROY (25-10-1938) 53
56 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (25-10-1938) 54
57 LETTER TO VIDYA A. HINGORANI (25-10-1938) 54
58 SPEECH AT BANNU (25-10-1938) 55
59 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (On or before 26-10-1938) 58
60 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (26-10-1938) 61
61 SPEECH AT LAKKI (26-10-1938) 62
62 A DENIAL (27-10-1938) 62
63 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (27-10-1938) 63
64 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (27-10-1938) 63
65 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (27-10-1938) 65
66 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (27-10-1938) 66
67 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (27-10-1938) 67
68 LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI (27-10-1938) 67
69 LETTER TO M. R. MASANI (27-10-1938) 68
70 MONSTROUS IF TRUE (28-10-1938) 69
71 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (28-10-1938) 69
72 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (28-10-1938) 70
73 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (28-10-1938) 70
74 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (28-10-1938) 71
75 LETTER TO VIJAYA N. PATEL (28-10-1938) 72
76 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (28-10-1938) 73
77 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, DERA ISMAIL KHAN
(28-10-1938) 73
78 THE people’s education MOVEMENT (29-10-1938) 74
[ xvii ]
79 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (29-10-1938)
80 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (29-10-1938)
81 LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM GANDHI (29-10-1938)
82 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (30-10-1938)
83 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (30-10-1938)
84 INTERPRETATION OF MEMBER’S PLEDGE (30-10-1938)
85 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (30-10-1938)
86 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (31-10-1938)
87 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (31-10-1938)
88 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, TANK (31-10-1938)
89 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (31-10-1938)
90 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (31-10-1938)
91 LETTER TO AGATHA HARRISON (1-11-1938)
92 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (1-11-1938)
93 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (2-11-1938)
94 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (2-11-1938)
95 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (2-11-1938)
96 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (2-11-1938)
97 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (2-11-1938)
98 LETTER TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR (2-11-1938)
99 MESSAGE ON OPENING OF KHADI EXHIBITION, PESHAWAR
(Before 3-11-1938)
100 SPEECH AT OPENING OF KHADI EXHIBITION, PESHAWAR
(3-11-1938)
101 KATHIAWAR NOTES (4-11-1938)
102 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (4-11-1938)
103 NOTES (5-11-1938)
104 WHY NOT GREAT POWERS? (5-11-1938)
105 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (5-11-1938)
106 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (5-11-1938)
107 SPEECH AT MEETING OF BAR ASSOCIATION, PESHAWAR
(5-11-1938)
108 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (6-11-1938)
109 TALK AT BIBHUTI (6-11-1938)
110 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, HARIPUR (6-11-1938)
111 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (7-11-1938)
112 LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH BHATIA (7-11-1938)
113 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (7-11-1938)
114 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (7-11-1938)
115 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (8-11-1938)
116 TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS (8-11-1938)
117 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, MANSEHRA (8-11-1938)
118 TALK TO minorities’ DEPUTATION (8-11-1938)
[ xviii ]
119 SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, ABBOTTABAD (8-11-1938) 104
120 LETTER TO SARASWATI GANDHI (Before 9-11-1938) 107
121 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI (9-11-1938) 107
122 LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI (9-11-1938) 108
123 LETTER TO M. R. MASANI (9-11-1938) 109
124 LETTER TO VIJAYA N. PATEL (9-11-1938) 109
125 MESSAGE ON DEATH OF KEMAL ATATURK (10-11-1938) 110
126 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (10-11-1938) 110
127 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (10-11-1938) 111
128 DISCUSSION WITH COMMUNISTS (Before 11-11-1938) 111
129 KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS AND BADSHAH KHAN (11-11-1938) 115
130 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (11-11-1938) 119
131 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (11-11-1938) 120
132 LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU (11-11-1938) 120
133 TELEGRAM TO R. S. RUIKAR (11-11-1938) 121
134 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (On or after 11-11-1938) 121
135 MASS LITERACY CAMPAIGN IN BIHAR (12-11-1938) 122
136 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (12-11-1938) 122
137 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (12-11-1938) 122
138 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (12-11-1938) 123
139 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (13-11-1938) 123
140 NOTE TO KANCHAN M. SHAH (13-11-1938) 123
141 THE CONGRESS AND KHADI (14-11-1938) 124
142 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (14-11-1938) 126
143 LETTER TO J. G. KUMARAPPA (14-11-1938) 126
144 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (14-11-1938) 127
145 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (14-11-1938) 127
146 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (15-11-1938) 128
147 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (15-11-1938) 128
148 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (15-11-1938) 129
149 LETTER TO PREMABEHN KANTAK (15-11-1938) 130
150 TALK TO TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS DEPUTATION
(15-11-1938) 131
151 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (16-11-1938) 134
152 LETTER TO JAW AHARLAL NEHRU (16-11-1938) 134
153 DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR THAKORE SAHEB OF RAJKOT
(Before 19-11-1938) 135
154 PROHIBITION IN SALEM DISTRICT (19-11-1938) 136
155 TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR (19-11-1938) 136
156 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (19-11-1938) 136
157 THE JEWS (20-11-1938) 137
158 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (20-11-1938) 141
159 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (21-11-1938) 142
[xix]
160 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (21-11-1938) 143
161 LETTER TO GIRDHARILAL (21-11-1938) 143
162 FOREWORD TO “tHE BROTHERHOOD OF RELIGIONS”
(23-11-1938) 144
163 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (24-11-1938) 144
164 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (25-11-1938) 145
165 NOTE ON LETTER TO DR. N. B. KHARE (25-11-1938) 145
166 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (25-11-1938) 146
167 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (26-11-1938) 146
168 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (26-11-1938) 147
169 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (26-11-1938) 148
170 LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI (26-11-1938) 148
171 NON-CO-OPERATORS (27-11-1938) 149
172 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (27-11-1938) 150
173 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (27-11-1938) 150
174 STATES AND THE PEOPLE (28-11-1938) 151
175 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (28-11-1938) 154
176 LETTER TO MOTILAL ROY (28-11-1938) 154
177 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (28-11-1938) 155
178 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (28-11-1938) 155
179 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (28-11-1938) 156
180 LETTER TO PRABHAVATI (29-11-1938) 156
181 LETTER TO VIJAYA N. PATEL (29-11-1938) 157
182 LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI (29-11-1938) 157
183 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (29-11-1938) 158
184 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI (29-11-1938) 158
185 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (30-11-1938) 159
186 LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI (30-11-1938) 160
187 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (30-11-1938) 160
188 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (30-11-1938) 161
189 LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR N. MORARJEE (30-11-1938) 161
190 A LETTER (30-11-1938) 162
191 LETTER TO PREMI JAIRAMDAS (30-11-1938) 162
192 TELEGRAM TO LOCAL SECRETARY, JALLIANWALA BAGH
MEMORIAL FUND (After 1-12-1938) 163
193 LETTER TO RANCHHODLAL PATWARI (Before 2-12-1938) 163
194 A CAUTION (3-12-1938) 163
195 TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI (3-12-1938) 164
196 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (3-12-1938) 164
197 LETTER TO PRABHU DAYAL VIDYARTHI (3-12-1938) 165
198 DISCUSSION WITH JOHN R. MOTT (On or before 4-12-1938) 165
199 HOW TO POPULARIZE KHADI (4-12-1938) 173
200 HARIJAN WELFARE IN TATANAGAR (4-12-1938) 176
[xx]
201 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (5-12-1938) 176
202 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (5-12-1938) 177
203 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (5-12-1938) 177
204 LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI (5-12-1938) 178
205 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (5-12-1938) 178
206 LETTER TO SHAMLAL (5-12-1938) 179
207 LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI (5-12-1938) 179
208 LETTER TO VAIKUNTHLAL L. MEHTA (5-12-1938) 180
209 LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR N. MORARJEE (5-12-1938) 181
210 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (5-12-1938) 181
211 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (5-12-1938) 182
212 LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH (5-12-1938) 182
213 LETTER TO MARGARETE SPIEGEL (5-12-1938) 183
214 LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU (5-12-1938) 183
215 LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA (5-12-1938) 184
216 LETTER TO HARSARAN VERMA (5-12-1938) 185
217 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (6-12-1938) 185
218 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (6-12-1938) 186
219 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (6-12-1938) 186
220 LETTER TO VIJAYA N. PATEL (6-12-1938) 187
221 DISCUSSION WITH D. TAKAOKA (7-12-1938) 187
222 REPLY TO GERMAN CRITICS (8-12-1938) 189
223 LETTER TO K. M. MUNSHI (8-12-1938) 190
224 LETTER TO DAMODARDAS MUNDHRA (8-12-1938) 191
225 SOME QUESTIONS ANSWERED (9-12-1938) 191
226 RED TAPE (9-12-1938) 193
227 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (9-12-1938) 195
228 LETTER TOJ. C. KUMARAPPA (9-12-1938) 196
229 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (9-12-1938) 196
230 LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR (9-12-1938) 196
231 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (9-12-1938) 197
232 A. I. V. I. A. TRAINING SCHOOL (10-12-1938) 198
233 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (10-12-1938) 198
234 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI (10-12-1938) 199
235 LETTER TO PRABHAVATI (10-12-1938) 199
236 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (10-12-1938) 200
237 DISCUSSION WITH CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES (Before
12-12-1938) 201
238 MESSAGE TO C. K. GIBBON (On or before 12-12-1938) 207
239 HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY (12-12-1938) 208
240 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (12-12-1938) 209
241 LETTER TO MARGARETE SPIEGEL (12-12-1938) 209
242 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA (12-12-1938) 209
[xxi ]
243 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (12-12-1938) 210
244 LETTER TO HARSARAN VERMA (12-12-1938) 211
245 INTERVIEW TO CELESTINE SMITH (Before 13-12-1938) 211
246 DRAFT OF CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE RESOLUTION
ON INDIAN STATES (13-12-1938) 212
247 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA (13-12-1938) 213
248 TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI (14-12-1938) 214
249 LETTER TO BHULABHAI J. DESAI (14-12-1938) 214
250 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI (16-12-1938) 215
251 TELEGRAM TO ZAINAB (16-12-1938) 215
252 TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI (17-12-1938) 216
253 TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI (17-12-1938) 216
254 MESSAGE TO ALLAHABAD UNIVERSITY UNION (Before
18-12-1938) 217
255 LETTER TO SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE (18-12-1938) 218
256 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (After 18-12-1938) 219
257 NOTES (19-12-1938) 219
258 PROHIBITION (19-12-1938) 221
259 DISTRICT BOARDS (19-12-1938) 222
260 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (19-12-1938) 224
261 LETTER TO AGATHA HARRISON (20-12-1938) 225
262 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (20-12-1938) 225
263 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (20-12-1938) 226
264 LETTER TO N. M. JOSHI (21-12-1938) 226
265 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (21-12-1938) 227
266 LETTER TO PRITHVI SINGH (21-12-1938) 228
267 LETTER TO SHAMLAL (21-12-1938) 228
268 LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (21-12-1938) 229
269 LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA (21-12-1938) 229
270 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (21-12-1938) 230
271 MESSAGE TO ALL-INDIA WOMEN’ S CONFERENCE (Before
22-12-1938) 230
272 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (22-12-1938) 230
273 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (22-12-1938) 231
274 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA (22-12-1938) 232
275 SPEECH AT SCOUTS RALLY (22-12-1938) 232
276 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (23-12-1938) 234
277 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (23-12-1938) 235
278 LETTER TO S. RADHAKRISHNAN (23-12-1938) 235
279 LETTER TO INDU N. PAREKH (23-12-1938) 236
280 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA (23-12-1938) 236
281 LETTER TO SARASWATI (23-12-1938) 237
282 NON-VIOLENCE THE ONLY WAY (24-12-1938) 238
[ xxii ]
283 WANTED A GUIDE BOOK (24-12-1938) 239
284 LETTER TO C. RAJAGO PALACHARI (24-12-1938) 239
285 INTERVIEW TO H. V. HODSON (Before 25-12-1938) 240
286 MESSAGE TO PRESIDENT, TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS
(On or before 25-12-1938) 241
287 MANIBEHN AND THE SPINNING-WHEEL (25-12-1938) 242
288 DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR HYDERABAD STATE CONGRESS
(Before 26-12-1938) 242
289 students’ shame (26-12-1938) 244
290 LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI (26-12-1938) 248
291 NOTE TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (26-12-1938) 248
292 LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (26-12-1938) 249
293 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (27-12-1938) 250
294 INTERVIEW TO AMERICAN TEACHERS (Before 29-12-1938) 251
295 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (29-12-1938) 254
296 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (29-12-1938) 254
297 LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH (29-12-1938) 255
298 SPEECH AT OPENING OF MAGAN SANGRAHALAYA AND
UDYOG BHAVAN (30-12-1938) 255
299 DISCUSSION WITH ECONOMISTS (30-12-1938) 258
300 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (31-12-1938) 260
301 LETTER TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ (31-12-1938) 260
302 LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA (31-12-1938) 261
303 INTERVIEW TO TIMOTHY TINGFANG LEW (31-12-1938) 262
304 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (1938) 264
305 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (1938) 264
306 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (1938) 265
307 ENLIGHTENED ANARCHY — A POLITICAL IDEAL (January
1939) 265
308 DISCUSSION WITH MAURICE FRYDMAN (On or before 1-1-1939) 265
309 LETTER TO S. VELU PILLAI (1-1-1939) 267
310 INTERVIEW TO TINGFANG LEW, Y. T. WU AND P. C. HSU
(1-1-1939) 267
311 INTERVIEW TO S. S. TEMA (1-1-1939) 272
312 RAJKOT (2-1-1939) 274
313 IS NON-VIOLENCE INEFFECTIVE? (2-1-1939) 276
314 TELEGRAM TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI (On or after 4-1-1939) 278
315 TELEGRAM TO KRISHNASWAMY (5-1-1939) 279
316 LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI (5-1-1939) 279
317 LETTER TO RANCHHODLAL PATWARI (6-1-1939) 280
318 TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI (7-1-1939) 280
319 TELEGRAM TO G. RAMACHANDRAN (7-1-1939) 280
320 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (7-1-1939) 281
[ xxiii ]
321 DRAFT OF PRESS STATEMENT FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ
( 7 - 1 - 1939 ) 281
322 DRAFT OF LETTER FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ ( 7 - 1 - 1939 ) 282
323 LETTER TO F. MARY BARR ( 7 - 1 - 1939 ) 284
324 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA ( 7 - 1 - 1939 ) 285
325 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS ( 7 - 1 - 1939 ) 285
326 UNCERTIFIED DEALERS ( 8 - 1 - 1939 ) 286
327 SARDAR PRITHVI SINGH ( 9 - 1 - 1939 ) 286
328 TRAVANCORE ( 9 - 1 - 1939 ) 287
329 THE BAN ON JAMNALALJI ( 9 - 1 - 1939 ) 289
330 TELEGRAM TO AKBAR HYDARI ( 9 - 1 - 1939 ) 291
331 LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ ( 9 - 1 - 1939 ) 292
332 AUNDH CONSTITUTION ( 10 - 1 - 1939 ) 292
333 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR ( 11 - 1 - 1939 ) 293
334 NOTE TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL ( 11 - 1 - 1939 ) 293
335 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR ( 12 - 1 - 1939 ) 294
336 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA ( 12 - 1 - 1939 ) 294
337 DISCUSSION WITH TOYOHIKO KAGAWA ( 14 - 1 - 1939 ) 295
338 JAIPUR ( 16 - 12 - 1939 ) 299
339 DRINKING METHYLATED SPIRITS ( 16 - 1 - 1939 ) 300
340 VIOLENCE V. NON-VIOLENCE ( 16 - 1 - 1939 ) 300
341 LETTER TO MIRABEHN ( 16 - 1 - 1939 ) 302
342 NOTE TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR ( 16 - 1 - 1939 ) 303
343 LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN ( 18 - 1 - 1939 ) 303
344 LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH ( 18 - 1 - 1939 ) 304
345 LETTER TO RAVINDRA R. PATEL ( 18 - 1 - 1939 ) 304
346 LETTER TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR ( 18 - 1939 ) 305
347 LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA ( 18 - 1 - 1939 ) 305
348 LOVE A UNIVERSAL VIRTUE ( 20 - 1 - 1939 ) 306
349 LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI ( 20 - 1 - 1939 ) 308
350 LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI ( 20 - 1 - 1939 ) 310
351 LETTER TO MIRABEHN ( 20 - 1 - 1939 ) 310
352 LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI ( 20 - 1 - 1939 ) 311
353 TELEGRAM TO BALKRISHNA ( 21 - 1 - 1939 ) 312
354 LETTER TO JAIRAMDAS DOULATRAM ( 21 - 1 - 1939 ) 312
355 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI ( 21 - 1 - 1939 ) 312
356 LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH ( 21 - 1 - 1939 ) 313
357 LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM K. JERAJANI ( 21 - 1 - 1939 ) 314
358 LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST.JOHN ( 22 - 1 - 1939 ) 314
359 LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI ( 22 - 1 - 1939 ) 315
360 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI ( 22 - 1 - 1939 ) 315
361 LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA ( 22 - 1 - 1939 ) 316
362 LETTER TO RAMIBEHN K. PAREKH ( 22 - 1 - 1939 ) 316
[ xxiv ]
363 LETTER TO DAHYABHAI M. PATEL (22-1-1939) 317
364 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (22-1-1939) 317
365 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (22-1-1939) 318
366 THE STATES (23-1-1939) 318
367 INTERNAL DECAY (23-1-1939) 320
368 ‘what a man of god!’ (23-1-1939) 322
369 ISLAMIC CULTURE (23-1-1939) 323
370 TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (23-1-1939) 324
371 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (23-1-1939) 325
372 LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU (23-1-1939) 325
373 INTERVIEW TO “tHE TIMES OF INDIA” (24-1-1939) 326
374 LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI (25-1-1939) 329
375 LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI (25-1-1939) 329
376 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (26-1-1939) 330
377 LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH (26-1-1939) 331
378 LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA (26-1-1939) 332
379 SPEECH AT MEETING OF PEASANTS (26-1-1939) 333
380 LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN (27-1-1939) 335
381 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (27-1-1939) 335
382 TELEGRAM TO BISWANATH DAS (Before 28-1-1939) 336
383 TELEGRAM TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ (28-1-1939) 336
384 DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ (28-1-1939) 336
385 DISCUSSION WITH REPRESENTATIVES OF MUNICIPALITIES
AND LOCAL BOARDS (28-1-1939) 338
386 LETTER TO GENERAL SHINDE (29-1-1939) 343
387 LETTER TO MAHARAJA OF MYSORE (29-1-1939) 344
388 LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM (29-1-1939) 344
389 SPEECH AT MEETING OF PEASANTS (29-1-1939) 345
390 RAJKOT (30-1-1939) 346
391 THE MODERN GIRL (30-1-1939) 348
392 JAIPUR (30-1-1939) 350
393 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (30-1-1939) 353
394 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (30-1-1939) 353
395 KICKS AND KISSES (31-1-1939) 354
396 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (31-1-1939) 357
397 LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM GANDHI (31-1-1939) 358
398 IN MEMORY OF NARAYAN M. KHARE (31-1-1939) 358
399 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (31-1-1939) 359
400 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (31-1-1939) 360
401 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (2-2-1939) 361
402 LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA (2-2-1939) 362
403 FOREWORD (2-2-1939) 362
404 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (2-2-1939) 363
[ XXV ]
405 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (2-2-1939) 363
406 LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA (2-2-1939) 364
407 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (3-2-1939) 365
408 TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (On or before 3-2-1939) 367
409 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (3-1-1939) 367
410 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (3-2-1939) 368
411 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (3-2-1939) 368
412 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (3-2-1939) 369
413 LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR (3-2-1939) 369
414 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (After 3-2-1939) 370
415 DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES (3/4-2-1939) 370
416 TELEGRAM TO MAHADEV DESAI (4-2-1939) 378
417 TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (4-2-1939) 378
418 LETTER TO INDIRA NEHRU (4-2-1939) 379
419 LETTER TO GENERAL SHINDE (4-2-1939) 379
420 LETTER TO SHARDA C. SHAH (4-2-1939) 380
421 ROMAN SCRIPT V. DEVANAGARI (5-2-1939) 380
422 NO APOLOGY (5-2-1939) 381
423 LETTER TO SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE (5-2-1939) 382
424 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (5-2-1939) 383
425 LETTER TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ (5-2-1939) 384
426 NOTE TO AMRIT KAUR (On or after 5-2-1939) 384
427 INTERVIEW TO SOUTH AFRICAN INDIAN STUDENTS
(Before 6-2-1939) 385
428 mahatma’s statue (6-2-1939) 386
429 why KASTURBA GANDHI? (6-2-1939) 387
430 WORKING OF NON-VIOLENCE (6-2-1939) 388
431 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (6-2-1939) 391
432 LETTER TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ (7-2-1939) 391
433 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (7-2-1939) 392
434 TELEGRAM TO CHANDRABHAL JOHRI (On or after 7-2-1939) 392
435 TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD (On or after 7-2-1939) 393
436 LETTER TO SHARD ABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (After 7-2-1939) 393
437 LETTER TO GORDHANDAS CHOKHAWALA (After 7-2-1939) 394
438 LETTER TO THE LIMDI PRAJA MANDAL (Before 8-2-1939) 394
439 TELEGRAM TO JETHANAND (8-2-1939) 394
440 TELEGRAM TO DR. KAHN SAHEB (8-2-1939) 395
441 LETTER TO MOTILAL ROY (8-2-1939) 395
442 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (8-2-1939) 395
443 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (8-2-1939) 396
444 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (8-2-1939) 396
445 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (9-2-1939) 397
446 TELEGRAM TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (9-2-1939) 398
[ xxvi ]
447 LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI (9-2-1939) 398
448 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (9-2-1939) 398
449 LETTER TO HAREKRUSHNA MAHTAB (9-2-1939) 399
450 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (9-2-1939) 399
451 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (9-2-1939) 400
452 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (9-2-1939) 400
453 TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ (On or after 9-2-1939) 402
454 LETTER TO F. MARY BARR (11-2-1939) 403
455 LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU (11-2-1939) 403
456 LETTER TO L. M. PATIL (11-2-1939) 404
457 LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI (11-2-1939) 404
458 LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI (11-2-1939) 405
459 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (11-2-1939) 405
460 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (11-2-1939) 406
461 LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA (11-2-1939) 406
462 HYDERABAD (12-2-1939) 407
463 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (12-2-1939) 408
464 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (12-2-1939) 409
465 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (12-2-1939) 410
466 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (12-2-1939) 410
467 UNTRUTH IN NEWSPAPERS (13-2-1939) 411
468 TRAVANCORE (13-2-1939) 413
469 THE ETHICS OF IT (13-2-1939) 415
470 MEWAR (13-2-1939) 415
471 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (13-2-1939) 417
472 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (13-2-1939) 417
473 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (13-2-1939) 417
474 LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL (13-2-1939) 418
475 LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA (13-2-1939) 418
476 DISCUSSION WITH DR. CHESTERMAN (13-2-1939) 419
477 LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI (14-2-1939) 423
478 LETTER TO GULAM RASOOL QURESHI (14-2-1939) 423
479 LETTER TO SURESH SINGH (14-2-1939) 424
480 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (15-2-1939) 424
481 LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANGHOLI (15-2-1939) 424
482 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (Before 16-2-1939) 425
483 LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI (16-2-1939) 426
484 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (16-2-1939) 426
485 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (16-2-1939) 426
486 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL (16-2-1939) 427
487 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (17-2-1939) 428
488 TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA (18-2-1939) 428
489 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (18-2-1939) 428
[ xxvii ]
490 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (18-2-1939) 429
491 LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI (18-2-1939) 430
492 LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL AND MRIDULA SARABHAI
(18-2-1939) 430
493 NOTES (20-2-1939) 431
494 TRAVANCORE AGAIN (20-2-1939) 432
495 LAWLESS LiMBDi (20-2-1939) 434
496 LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA (20-2-1939) 437
497 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (20-2-1939) 437
498 LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI (20-2-1939) 438
499 LETTER TO BALKRISHNA SHARMA (20-2-1939) 438
500 TELEGRAM TO AKBAR HYDARI (21-2-1939) 439
501 LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI (21-2-1939) 439
502 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (21-2-1939) 440
503 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (21-2-1939) 440
504 TALK TO HYDERABAD STATE CONGRESS DELEGATION
(21-2-1939) 441
505 A MISCHIEVOUS SUGGESTION (23-2-1939) 441
506 TELEGRAM TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRI (23-2-1939) 443
507 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (23-2-1939) 443
508 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (23-2-1939) 444
509 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (23-2-1939) 444
510 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (23-2-1939) 444
511 TELEGRAM TO PRIVATE SECRETARY TO THE VICEROY
(24-2-1939) 445
512 LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI (24-2-1939) 445
513 TALK WITH AN ASHRAM INMATE (24-2-1939) 446
514 LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI (Before 25-2-1939) 446
515 WORK INSTEAD OF ALMS (25-2-1939) 447
516 LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW (25-2-1939) 447
517 LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI (25-2-1939) 448
518 STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (25-2-1939) 449
519 LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI (25/26-2-1939) 452
520 QUESTION OF HONOUR (26-2-1939) 453
521 KHADI AS FAMINE RELIEF (26-2-1939) 456
522 IS IT NON-VIOLENT? (26-2-1939) 457
523 TELEGRAM TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ (26-2-1939) 459
524 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (26-2-1939) 460
525 LETTER TO SATISH D. KALELKAR (26-2-1939) 460
526 LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR (27-2-1939) 461
527 LETTER TO MIRABEHN (27-2-1939) 461
528 LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI (27-2-1939) 461
529 INTERVIEW TO THE ASSOGIATED PRESS (27-2-1939) 462
[ xxviii ]
530 TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR (27-2-1939) 462
531 TELEGRAM TO MIRABEHN (27-2-1939) 463
532 INTERVIEW TO THE ASSOCIATED PRESS (27-2-1939) 463
533 INTERVIEW TO “the hindu” (27-2-1939) 463
534 TELEGRAM TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ (On or after 27-2-1939) 464
535 TALK TO REPRESENTATIVES OF MUSLIM COUNCIL OF
ACTION (28-2-1939) 464
536 DISCUSSION WITH DEPUTATION OF GARASIA MANDAL
(28-2-1939) 465
537 INTERVIEW TO “the hindu” (28-2-1939) 466
ADDENDA
1 LETTER TO SAMPURNANAND (1-1-1939) 467
2 LETTER TO PRABHU DAYAL VIDYARTHI (7-1-1939) 467
3 LETTER TO SAMPURNANAND (After 2-2-1939) 468
APPENDICES
I COLD-BLOODED BREACH OF A SOLEMN COVENANT 469
THAKORE SAHEB’s LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL 472
LETTER FROM SIR PATRICK CADELL TO THAKORE SAHEB 472
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO SIR PATRICK CADELL 473
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO SIR PATRICK CADELL 474
LETTER FROM E. C. GIBSON TO THAKORE SAHEB 476
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO E. C. GIBSON 477
LETTER FROM E. C. GIBSON TO DURBAR VIRAWALA 478
LETTER FROM POLITICAL AGENT TO DURBAR VIRAWALA 478
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL 479
EXTRACTS FROM NOTES OF TALKS AT THE RESIDENCY 479
RAJKOT GAZETTE NOTIFICATION 481
LETTER FROM MANEKLAL PATEL TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL 481
LETTER FROM VALLABHBHAI PATEL TO MANEKLAL PATEL 483
II GOVERNMENT OF INDIA’S STATEMENT ON RAJKOT 485
III RESIGNATION LETTER OF CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE
MEMBERS 486
IV STATEMENT OF SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE 487
V SRI RAMANA MAHARSHl’s COMMENTS ON GANDHIJi’s
DESCRIPTION OF HIS STATE OF MIND 489
SOURCES 490
CHRONOLOGY 492
INDEX OF TITLES 497
INDEX 501
1. NOTE TO MAHADEV DESAI
[Before October 15, 1938]
Translate this' for Harijan. Good work is being done in this
village and it deserves to be noticed.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11661
2. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS-I
[On or before October 15, 1938Y
Gandhiji told them that though it sounded to him as an overbold
statement for them to make, still, as was his wont, he would take them at
their word.^ He explained to them in detail what his conception of the
nature and implications of non-violence was. It was comparatively easy to
maintain a passive sort of non-violence, when the opponent was powerful
and fully armed. But would they remain non-violent in their dealings amongst
themselves and with their own countrymen, when there was no extraneous
force to restrain or check them? Again, was theirs the non-violence of the
strong or that of the weak? If theirs was the non-violence of the strong, they
should feel the stronger for their renunciation of the sword. But if that was
not the case with them, it was better for them to resume their weapons which
they had of their own free will discarded. For it was much better for them
to be brave soldiers in arms than to be disarmed and emasculated. He
remarked:
A charge has been levelled against me and Badshah Khan
that we are rendering India and Islam a disservice by presenting
the gospel of non-violence to the brave and warlike people of the
Frontier. They say that I have come here to sap your strength.
The Frontier Province, they say, is the bastion of Islam in India,
the Pathans are past masters in the use of the sword and the
' This was a letter addressed to Mahadev Desai from Pipodara. It gave
a report of the Gandhi Jayanti celebrations in that village from 21-9-1938 to
2-10-1938, which included a round-the-clock spinning programme. For
Gandhiji’s comments, vide “Letter to Mahadev Desai”, pp. 5-6.
2 Gandhiji addressed the last batch of Khudai Khidmatgars of Peshawar
on October 15.
^ The Khudai Khidmatgars had said that even if Abdul Ghaffar Khan
gave up non-violence, they would never do so.
1
68-1
2
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
rifle and mine is an attempt to emasculate them by making them
renounce their arms and thus undermine the citadel of the strength
and security of Islam. I wholly repudiate the charge. My faith
is that by adopting the doctrine of non-violence in its entirety you
will be rendering a lasting service to India and to Islam which,
just now, it seems to me, is in danger. If you have understood
the power of non-violence, you ought to feel the stronger for having
put away your arms. Yours will be the spiritual strength with
which you can not only protect Islam but even other religions.
But if you have not understood the secret of this strength, if as
a result of renouncing arms you feel weaker instead of stronger than
before, it would be better for you to give up the profession of
non-violence. I cannot bear to see a single Pathan turn weak or
cowardly under my influence. Rather than that I would that you
returned to your arms with a vengeance.
Today the Sikhs say that if they give up the kirpan they
give up everything. They seem to have made the kirpan into
their religion. By discarding it, they think, they will become
weak and cowardly. I tell them, that is an idle fear and I am
here to tell you the same. I have read the Koran with as much
care and reverence as I have read the Gita. I have read other
important books on Islam too. I claim to have as much regard
in my heart for Islam and other religions as for my own, and I
dare say with all the emphasis that I can command that although
the sword has been wielded in the history of Islam and that too
in the name of religion, Islam was not founded by the sword
nor was its spread due to it. Similarly in Christianity the sword
has been freely used. But the spread of Christianity was not due
to its use. On the contrary, the use of the sword has only tarnished
its fair name. Millions in Europe swear by Christianity. But
contrary to the teachings of Jesus, they are engaged in a fratricidal
orgy of bloodshed and murder, which is a negation of true Christ-
ianity. If you can assimilate what I have been telling you,
your influence will travel far and beyond your borders and you
will show the way to Europe.
Today a force of 17,000 British soldiers is able to rule over
us because they have behind them the power of the British
Government. If Khudai Khidmatgars really felt within them-
selves the upsurge of soul force as a sequel to their renouncing
arms, not even 17,000 would be needed to win India her free-
dom, because they should have the strength of God behind them.
As against it if a million of them professed non-violence while
there was violence lurking in their hearts, they would count as
TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS-II
3
nothing. You should renounce the sword because you have
realized that it is the symbol not of your strength but of your
weakness, because it does not make for true bravery. But if you
put away your sword outwardly but there is the sword in your
hearts, you shall have begun the wrong way and your renunciation
will be devoid of any merit. It may even prove dangerous.
What is the meaning of eradicating violence from the heart?
He next asked and proceeded to explain that it meant not merely the
ability to control one’s anger but its complete eradication from the heart.
If a dacoit inspires anger or fear in my heart, it means that
I have not yet purged myself of violence. To realize non-violence
means to feel within you its strength, otherwise known as soul
force, in short, to know God. A person who has known God
will be incapable of feeling or harbouring anger or fear within
him, no matter how overpowering the cause for it may be.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 57-9
3. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS-II
[On or before October 15, 193Sy
A Khudai Khidmatgar, Gandhiji told them at one place, had first to be a
man of God, i. e., a servant of humanity. It would demand of him purity in
deed, word and thought and ceaseless, honest industry, since purity of mind
and idleness are incompatible. They should, therefore, learn some handicraft
which they could practise in their homes. This should preferably be ginning,
spinning and weaving as these alone could be offered to millions and in their
own homes.
A person who renounces the sword dare not remain idle
for a single minute. An idle man’s brain, as the popular pro-
verb says, is the devil’s workshop. Idleness corrodes the soul and
intellect both. A person who has renounced violence will take
the name of God with every breath and do his work all the
twenty-four hours. There will be no room for an idle thought.
Moreover, every Khudai Khidmatgar must have an indepen-
dent means of livelihood. Today many of you have land, but
your land can be taken away from you, not your craft or your
manual skill. It is true that God provides to His servant his
daily bread but only if he performs bread labour. If you work
* Gandhiji met the last batch of Khudai Khidmatgars of Peshawar on
October 1 5 .
4
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
not, neither shall you eat, is nature’s law and should be yours
too. You have adopted red shirts as your uniform. I had hoped
you would have adopted khadi too which is the livery of freedom.
But I see that very few among you wear khadi. The reason
perhaps is that you have to provide your own uniform and khadi
is dearer. That would not be so if you spin for yourself.
They should further, he told them, learn Hindustani, as that would en-
able them to cultivate and enlarge their minds and bring them in touch
with the wider world. It was up to them also to learn the rudiments of the
science of sanitation and first-aid, and last but not least, they should cultivate
an attitude of equal respect and reverence towards all religions.
It is not the wearing of the red shirt that makes a Khudai
Khidmatgar, nor standing in serried ranks but to feel within
you the strength of God which is the opposite of the strength
of arms. You have yet only arrived at the portal of non-violence.
Still you have been able to achieve so much. How much greater
your achievement will be when you have fully entered its
holy edifice! But as I have said before, all that requires pre-
vious preparation and training. At present you lack both.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 60-1
4. TALK WITH ABDUL CHAFF AR KHAN
[On or before October 15, 1938^
ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN: There are some Pathans in the villages here
who persecute Khudai Khidmatgars beyond endurance. They beat them, seize
their lands and so on. What are we to do against them?
GANDHiji: We have to meet their high-handedness with
patience and forbearance. We have to meet their atrocities in
the same way as we used to meet the Britishers’, not answer
violence by violence, nor abuse by abuse, nor harbour anger in
our hearts. If we do that it is sure to melt their hearts. If it
fails, we shall non-co-operate. If they seize our lands, we shall
refuse to provide them the labour even though we may have
to starve. We shall brave their wrath but refuse to submit or
go against our conscience.
' The talk took place at Utmanzai where Gandhiji spent a few days
at Khan Saheb’s country-house before proceeding on a tour of Mardan and
Nowshera on October 15.
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
5
A. K. Would it be permissible for us to lodge a complaint against
them before the police and get them punished ?
G. A true Khudai Khidmatgar won’t go to a law-court.
Fighting in a law-court is just like physical fighting. Only, you
use force by proxy. To get the police to punish the aggressor is
only a form of revenge which a Khudai Khidmatgar must
abjure. Let me illustrate my meaning by a personal instance. At
Sevagram some Harijans came to me and told me that unless
I could get a Harijan included in the C. P. Congress Ministry, they
would offer ‘satyagraha’ by staging a hunger-strike.* I knew it
was all the doing of a mischief-maker. The Police Superintendent
wanted to post some police force as he was afraid that the hooli-
gans might do some mischief. But I said ‘no’ to him and told
the Harijans that they need not sit outside in the sun; they could
occupy any room they liked in the ashram. I offered to feed them
too if they wanted. They chose my wife’s bathroom. I let them
occupy it. We looked after their needs and when one of them fell
ill, we nursed him. The result was that they became our friends.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 61-2
5. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Utmanzai,
October 15, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
It seems from the translation of this letter^ that many details
have been omitted, and the report, therefore, does not read well.
Did 18 persons besides the children take part? That is, in all
22+18? How many Muslims among them? Was there only
one spinning-wheel kept working non-stop ? What was the count
of the yarn spun? Is Somabhai a teacher or a worker? If there
are Muslim children in the school, how many? What is the
population of Pipodara ? What was the highest speed ? And the
highest count? What is the average strength? If you wish to
send this letter itself, you may do so.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
The tour starts from today, and so the wonderful peace I
have been enjoying will end. I hope nevertheless that my health
* Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 289-90 and 292.
^ Vide “Note to Mahadev Desai”, p. 1.
6
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
will continue to be as fine as it has been. The first stage of the
programme is enclosed. The next has also been chalked out.
We are here up to 8th November at any rate.
Khan Saheb has only one thing to occupy him: how to
give me complete rest and how to feed the others.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PPS.]
Tell Rajkumari that I am not writing to her today.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11662
6. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
I have all your letters. Although Dr. Benes is practically
banished,' your letter should go to him even if it has not. If
he imbibes the spirit, exile need not matter.
Here we have superb weather. There you have abnormal
rains. So had Bombay. I suppose the crops are destroyed.
I am sorry I can’t leave this Province before 9th November.
You will see the programme in the Press. It remains to be seen
how I keep my health during the tour.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6409. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 1000
7. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
Jivraj writes to say that you should not climb uphill. You
also say that it does not produce a good effect. There are rick-
shaws there. One can use them in illness. You may get into a
' Following occupation of Sudetenland by Nazi Germany, Eduard Benes
was forced, on October 5, to resign as President and leave the country.
Vide also Vol. LXVII, p. 406.
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
7
rickshaw wherever there is a climb. In this way you can go
to a new place every day for a walk. I see nothing wrong in
this. This is the only way of deriving full benefit from your
stay in Simla. Shummy seems to be advising exactly the opposite
in regard to Durga. If so, my advice should be disregarded. If I
were present there, I would of course wrestle with Shummy.
You know that when there are letters for others along
with letters addressed to me, I do not read them. This is my
nature. There were two letters by you to Sushila in reply to
the same letter. I read them. I can give for this no excuse
other than curiosity. From your previous letter, I have forgotten
everything except the drawing of the moon. Yesterday’s letter I
regard as important. I do not know what Sushila wrote to you
regarding physical passion, but for me it has become a ques-
tion of my veracity. You have told her that my last statement*
should reassure them all. This pricked me. We cannot be
complacent regarding physical passion in anybody’s case, but, as
for myself, I should say that had I, at the time of my last state-
ment, been having such experiences as I am having now, I
would most certainly have not issued it. I cannot say, either,
whether I would have stopped my experiment. Hence neither
you nor anybody else can remain complacent regarding me. I see
no need as yet to withdraw the last statement or issue a revised
one. This does not mean that any of you should start worrying.
For the present, I will not go further than this. I found the
time to write this much as being necessary in the interest of
truth. You will naturally be curious to know more. But restrain
your curiosity.
Blessings from
Bapu
Tell Rajkumari about physical passion so that I need not
write to her separately.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11663
Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 362-3.
8. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
BA,
You are causing me a good deal of worry this time. I keep
swinging between my concern for you and my sense of dharma.
The mind prompts me to run down to you. Dharma tells me to
remain where I am and finish the work here. If you get well
soon now, my worry may end.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 29
9. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
I got your two letters together.
Pay up Rs. 25 to Soptekar. I have already written to you
about teaching Vatsala. Chakraiya had written to me about the
book. I have replied to him and asked him to tell you. Do
what you think proper. How is the newly-arrived friend* faring?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10776
8
’ Rajbhushan
10. LETTER TO VIJATA N. RATED
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
CHI. VIJAYA,
What a girl you are! No letter from you at all? I see
from Amritlal’s letter that you have not rallied. I wrote to you
and asked you to go to Maroli. When I return to Segaon you
will come back there whatever the condition of your health.
But do not spoil it yourself. Do as I have advised you in my
letter. If there is any difficulty in going to Maroli, let me know.
I must hear from you regularly. Address your letters to Pesha-
war. Ba has fallen ill in Delhi.
Blessings from
Bapu
Shri Vijayabehn
C/o Shri Rambhai Hirabhai Patel
Saurashtra Society
Ellis Bridge, Ahmedabad
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7100. Also C.W. 4592. Court-
esy: Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
11. LETTER TO SHARD A C. SHAH
Peshawar,
October 15, 1938
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letter. It is bound to take more than a month.
We are scheduled to be here till the 9th. I can understand
your anxiety. My heart is there, but the work here is so
heavy that I should not be impatient. Be patient, whatever the
future may be. You want to do service whether you marry
or not. And for that you wish to acquire more knowledge. I
know that you would bear even blows from me, because they
* The letter, addressed to Ahmedabad, was redirected to Dakshinamurti
in Saurashtra.
9
10
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
would have been inspired only by love. I do not wish to
keep you away from my eyes even for a moment. But I am
helpless.
You are right about Munnalal. He will leave. It seems it is
in his interest to leave.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10022. Courtesy: Shardabehii G. Chokhawala
12. LETTER TO H. P. RANGANATH AIYENGAR
Peshawar,
October 16, 1938
DEAR FRIEND,
Mirabai has sent me both your letters. I am sorry I won’t
be able to avail myself of your assistance, for which however I
must thank you.
I think you should remain where you are and do such ser-
vice as comes your way. Shri Mahadev Desai is better.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Shri H. P. Ranganath Aiyengar
B.A., LL.B.
930 Naidoo Street
Chicknagalur P. O.
Mysore State
From a photostat: G.N. 1335
13. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Peshawar,
October 16, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I had two letters awaiting me on our return to Peshawar.
I see the right hand must rest a little. It is having more work
than it can comfortably manage.
My health still remains ideal. What it will be during the
tour I do not know. The silence will help me.
SPEECH AT NOWSHERA
11
Joshi’s letter is quite typical of him.
Tell Mahadev I got a wire yesterday saying Shukla^ is
dead. He was one of my oldest friends, i. e., of English student
days. He was practising in Rajkot.
They are still having rains in Segaon. Here it is perfectly
dry.
Kanti’s letters herewith for Mahadev. They are interesting.
You should ask Mahadev to give you a summary of what he
has to say.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3640. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6449
14. SPEECH AT NOWSHERA^
October 16, 1938
I accept in toto your assurance that you have fully under-
stood the principle of non-violence and that you will hold on
to it always. I congratulate you on it, and I further say that
if you can put the whole of that doctrine into practice, you will
make history. You claim to have one lakh Khudai Khidmat-
gars on your register which exceeds the total number of Congress
volunteers as it stands today. You are all pledged to selfless
service. You get no monetary allowance. You have even to
provide your own uniforms. You are a homogeneous and disci-
plined body. Khan Saheb’s word is law to you. You have
proved your capacity to receive blows without retaliation. But
this is only the first step in your probation, not the last. To gain
India’s freedom, the capacity for suffering must go hand in hand
with the capacity for ceaseless labour. A soldier for freedom
must incessantly work for the benefit of all. The resemblance
between you and the ordinary soldier begins and ends with the
cut of the uniform and perhaps their nomenclatures which you
have adopted. But unlike them the basis of all your activity is not
violence but non-violence. Therefore, your training, your pre-
occupations, your mode of working, even your thoughts and
* Presumably Dalpatram Shukla; vide Vol. XXXIX, pp. 41 and 44.
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province-II”. The
Khudai Khidmatgars of the place presented a written address to Gandhiji and
assured him that their faith in non-violence was absolute and unqualified
and they would never go back upon it.
12
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
aspirations must necessarily be different from theirs. A soldier
in arms is trained to kill. Even his dreams are about killing.
He dreams of fighting, of winning fame and advancement
on the battlefield by the prowess of his arms. He has reduced
killing to an art. A satyagrahi, a Khudai Khidmatgar, on the
other hand, would always long for opportunity for silent service.
All his time would be given to labour of love. If he dreams,
it will not be about killing but about laying down his life to
serve others. He has reduced dying innocently and for his
fellowmen to an art.
But what shall be the training that will fit you out for
this sort of work? It must be training in various branches of
constructive work.
With one lakh Khudai Khidmatgars trained in the science of construc-
tive non-violence, he told them, trans-border raids should become a thing of
the past.
You should consider it a matter of utter shame if a single
theft or dacoity takes place in your midst. Even the thieves and
trans-border raiders are human beings. They commit crime not
for the love of the thing itself but because they are driven to
it largely by necessity and want. They know no other. The only
method of dealing with them that has been adopted so far has
been that of employing force. They are given no quarter and
they give none. Dr. Khan Saheb feels helpless against them be-
cause the Government has no other way of dealing with them.
But you can make a non-violent approach to the problem, and
I am sure you will succeed where the Government has failed. You
can teach them to live honestly like yourselves by providing them
cottage occupations. You can go in their midst, serve them in
their homes and explain to them things in a loving and sympa-
thetic manner, and you won’t find them altogether unamenable
to the argument of love. There are two ways open to you to-
day, the way of brute force, that has already been tried and found
wanting, and the way of peace. You seem to have made your
final choice. May you prove equal to it.
Harijan, 29-10-1938
15. SPEECH AT HOT I MARDAN^
October 16, 1938
Gandhiji explained to them that non-violence could not, like the curate’s
egg, be accepted or rejected in parts, it had value only when it was practised
in its entirety.
When the sun rises the whole world is filled with its warmth,
so that even the blind man feels its presence. Even so when one
lakh of Khudai Khidmatgars are fully permeated with the
spirit of non-violence, it will proclaim itself and everybody will
feel its life-giving breath.
I know it is difficult; it is no joke for a Pathan to take an
affront lying down. I have known Pathans since my South
African days. I had the privilege of coming into close and inti-
mate contact with them. Some of them were my clients. They
treated me as their friend, philosopher and guide, in whom
they could confide freely. They would even come and confess to
me their secret crimes. They were a rough and ready lot. Past
masters in the art of wielding the lathi, inflammable, first to take
part in riots, they held life cheap, and would have killed a human
being with no more thought than they would a sheep or a hen.
That such men should have, at the bidding of one man, laid
down their arms and accepted non-violence as the superior
weapon sounds almost like a fairy tale. If the one lakh of Khudai
Khidmatgars became truly non-violent in letter and in spirit
and shed their violent past completely as a snake does its outworn
skin, it would be nothing short of a miracle. That is why in spite
of the assurance of your faith in non-violence that you have
given me, I am forced to be cautious and preface my remarks
with an ‘if’. My diffidence is only a measure of the difficulty
of the task. But nothing is too difficult for the brave and I
know the Pathans are brave.
The crucial test by which I shall judge you is this: Have
you befriended and won the confidence of each and all in your
' Extracted from Pyarelal Nayyar’s report “At Mardan”. In reply to
his usual question to the Khudai Khidmatgars whether they would remain
non-violent in all circumstances, one of them replied that they could put
up with every kind of provocation except the abuse of their revered leaders.
13
14
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
locality? Do the people regard you with love or with fear? So
long as a single individual is afraid of you, you are no true
Khudai Khidmatgar. A Khudai Khidmatgar will be gentle in
his speech and manner, the light of purity will shine forth from
his eyes, so that even a stranger, a woman or even a child would
instinctively feel that here was a friend, a man of God, who could
be trusted. A Khudai Khidmatgar will command the co-opera-
tion of all sections of the community, not the sort of obedience
that a Mussolini or a Hitler can command through his unlimi-
ted power of coercion, but the willing and spontaneous obedience
which is yielded to love alone. This power can be acquired only
through ceaseless, loving service, and waiting upon God. When
I find that under your influence people are gradually giving
up their dirty and insanitary habits, the drunkard is being wean-
ed from drink and the criminal from crime and the Khudai
Khidmatgars are welcomed everywhere by the people as their
natural protectors and friends in need, I shall know that, at
last, we have got in our midst a body of men who have really
assimilated the spirit of non-violence and the hour of India’s
deliverance is close at hand.
Harijan, 5-11-1938
16. LETTER TO SHAMLAL
Mardan,
October 17, 1938
DEAR LALA SHAMLAL,
I have your letter. I do not know what I shall be able
to do'.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Lala Shamlal, m. l. a.
7 Begum Road
Lahore
From a photostat: G.N. 1285
Regarding the Punjab prisoners; vide Vol. LXVI, p. 382.
17. LETTER TO SIKANDAR HATAT KHAN
As AT Peshawar,
October 17, 1938
DEAR SIR SIKANDAR,
I have just received a piteous letter from prisoner Inder-
paul’s wife who tells me her husband, who has already served 8
years, is suffering from paralysis. May I plead for his release?
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan
Prime Minister
Lahore
From a copy; Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
18. LETTER TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRI
As AT Peshawar,
October 17, 1938
dear brother,
1 got your letter from Mahadev only yesterday. How I
wish I could respond as you wish! Do you know that I sent
Rajkumari specially to intercede'. But she could make no head-
way. Sir C. P. won’t have any outsider to intervene. I implored
him to invite you to inquire into the whole affair.^ There was
no response. Shamelessly I have again wired to him to allow
me to send a representative. Indeed I would go myself if he
tolerated me. But he won’t listen to reason. Pardon me. That
is how I look at his conduct of this business. Nothing has shaken
my conviction that the movement is sound and so far as the
leaders are concerned, non-violent. Now tell me what I should
do. I hope you are keeping fit.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 8820
’ With the Travancore authorities; vide Vol. LXVII, “Letter to C. P.
Ramaswamy Iyer”, p. 253.
2 VideVol. LXVII, pp. 311-2.
15
19. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
Mardan,
October 17, 1938
CHI. NARANDAS,
Did Kamala resent your guidance in any matter? On
what grounds can khadi work or National School get a share of
the Palitana or Porbandar money? Explain this to me.
Write about the movement that is going on there.
What has Purushottam* finally decided?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8552. Court-
esy: Narandas Gandhi
20. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
October 17, 1938
CHI. LILA,
I got your letter. I wish you not to be in a hurry to go to
Segaon. Increase your weight there. Come when I return
there.
My health is fine. Don’t expect more at present.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 9376. Also C.W. 6651. Courtesy:
Lilavati Asar
* Addressee’s son
16
21. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Peshawar,'
October 17, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
I got all your three letters. I can see no flaw in your argu-
ments. They are well set out, too. I am sure it is not your view
that, in case there is war, we should come to no compromise with
the British. Moreover, our refusal to take part in the war on
any terms would in itself be a harassment to them. We can, how-
ever, adopt no other course, that is, if the Congress listens to
me.
But I do not think it desirable that you should divert your
mind even to this from your study. You will continue to reflect
on the matter of course, and you will come to definite conclu-
sions. But I think it desirable that you should not waste your
time in explaining your views to others.
Your health causes me worry. You may be certain that
there will be no harm at all if for the sake of your health you
take one more year. Health, once lost, will not return. You have
built up your body with exercise. Your constitution itself is strong.
Let it not be undermined. Come to Segaon. Stay there for
some time and build up your body there if you can with good
food and rest. Listen to me in this matter and do not be negli-
gent. Do not be over-confident and assume that you will some-
how be able to improve your health afterwards.
I have written to Saraswati’s grandfather.^ I have written
to Prabha too. If she comes I will look after her. Do not be over-
eager about nursing. After she is trained up, we shall see about
other things. I hope that if she stays with me, her intellect will
improve and develop. You will admit that that has happened
to others who have stayed in the Ashram. It is true that the
information they gather in their minds is little, for the cur-
riculum is not planned with that end in view. But the intellects
of those boys and girls who have stayed there work well enough
in the subjects selected by them.
' As in the source. However, Gandhiji was not in Peshawar on this date.
^ This letter is not traceable.
17
68-2
18
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Write to me if this seems unconvincing to you.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
We shall be here up to November 9 at any rate.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7350. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
22. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
Mardan,
October 17, 1938
I have two letters from schoolmasters, besides others from
laymen, complaining of students’ rowdyism in Travancore. The
Principal of C. M. S. College, Kottayam, says that the stu-
dents blocked the passage of those who wanted to attend the
classes. They twice turned away girls who did not listen to
them. They rushed at the classes and made noises, making
classes impossible.
This violent participation by students in a struggle which
its authors claim to be absolutely non-violent, makes progress
difficult, if not impossible. So far as I know, the leaders of the
movement do not want the students, even if they wish to parti-
cipate, to depart in any way from the non-violent way. Obstruc-
tion, rowdyism and the like are naked violence. I am credited
with influence over students. If I have any, I would ask them
to observe non-violence in thought, word and deed. If, however,
the forces of violence cannot be controlled by those who are in
charge of the movement, it may be a question for them whether
in the interest of the movement itself it is not wise to suspend
civil disobedience.
I must not presume to lay down the law from this dis-
tance, but I do feel from the evidence before me that the leaders
would incur grave risk if they allowed students to think that their
violence would help the movement or that it is secretly liked
by the leaders.
Harijan, 22-10-1938
23. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
SWABI,
October 17, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is merely for love’s sake. During the tour I must con-
serve time and energy.
You will give me your reaction to the 2nd article' on the
European situation.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3641. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6450
24. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
SWABI,
October 17, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I am writing this at night in Swabi. Last night we slept
in Mardan. I have been having long talks these days with the
office-bearers of the Khudai Khidmatgars. Except for this, I ob-
serve silence all the time. Do resist the temptation to write for
Harijan. But send me your comments on it for my information.
If there are mistakes in proof-reading draw Chandrashanker’s at-
tention. Pyarelal will send you a copy of the letter. I have
written to Sastri.^ Give the enclosed letter to Rajkumari.
Lila has become impatient to go to Segaon. Restrain her.
She should go there after I return. Let her improve her health
while in Rajkot.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11664
' Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 413-5.
2 Vide p. 15.
19
25. SPEECH AT SWABT
{October 17, 1938Y
Gandhiji’s speech here was a passionate appeal to the Khudai Khid-
matgars to turn the searchlight inwards. They had proved their mettle by
marching to jail in their hundreds and thousands. But that was not
enough, he told them. Mere filling of the jails would not bring India free-
dom.
Even thieves and criminals go to prison, but their prison-
going has no merit. It is the suffering of the pure and innocent
that tells. It is only when the authorities are compelled to put
into prison the purest and the most innocent citizens that a change
of heart is forced upon them. A satyagrahi goes to prison, not
to embarrass the authorities but to convert them by demonstrat-
ing to them his innocence. You should realize that unless you
have developed the moral fitness to go to prison which the law
of satyagraha demands, your jail-going will be useless and will
bring you nothing but disappointment in the end. A votary of
non-violence must have the capacity to put up with the indig-
nities and hardships of prison life not only without retaliation
or anger but with pity in his heart for the perpetrators of those
hardships and indignities. I would, therefore, today ask you to
examine yourselves in the light of my remarks, and if you find
that you cannot or do not want to go the full length, to drop
your badge of non-violence and request Khan Saheb to release
you from your pledge. That will be a species of heroism. But if
you have full faith in the creed of non-violence as I have des-
cribed it, then know it from me that God will arm you with the
required strength in your hour of trial.
Harijan, 5-11-1938
^ Extracted from Pyarelal Nayyar’s report “At Mardan”
^ Gandhiji was at Swabi on this date.
20
26. LETTER TO ROT KUMAR SING
October 18, 1938
DEAR FRIEND,
All the points raised by you have surely been dealt with
in my articles. Of course, I would have England and France
to give up arms, if they have the courage. And of course, I main-
tain that the law of the lower animal world is not the law of
human beings. Brute nature has been known to yield to love.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
SjT. Roy Kumar Sing
Zamindar
Nathnagar P. O.
Dt. Bhagalpur
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
27. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
October 18, 1938
BA,
I see from Ramdas’s and Devdas’s letters that you may now
be said to be free from danger. When Sushila came to know
that I was worried on your account, she asked me to let her go.
I replied: “What is the use of sending you? There are many
nursing Ba. I wish to be present by her bedside for my own peace
of mind and Ba also would wish it. But I ought to harden my
heart and obey the dharma of staying on here.” But God seems
to have been kind. Lakshmi and the children will be fine.
Btessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 30
21
28. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
Utmanzai,
October 18, 1938
CHI. KARA,
The accompanying is for your information. What can it
mean ? It has produced no effect on me. What was there in the
letter to Prema?
I hope you are all right. Your health must have been com-
pletely restored. Bal is with you. Isn’t he? I had got his
postcard.
The climate here is excellent. The peace is beyond descrip-
tion. One will not get such peace anywhere else.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7683
29. LETTER TO MOOLCHAND AGRAWAL
On Tour,
October 18, 1938
BHAI MOOLCHANDJI,
I am in a position to answer your letter only today. I could
not read the book but entrusted the work to Nanavati. I read
it'. I accept its evidence. It is not necessary to uphold the
language of Nanavati’s criticism, since I am talking only of
Swamiji’s writings. Nanavati has quoted Swamiji’s words to prove
that the book, which constricts Hinduism, is disappointing. In
my opinion, this debate should not be continued. Whatever
the merits of the book, it cannot denigrate Swamiji, for who
can forget the work that he has done? Swamiji’s fame is
beyond the confines of the book. I think I have served the
Arya Samaj by making these two statements. Even after saying
all this, if doubts persist, you may write to me for clarifications.
* Presumably a note prepared by Nanavati
22
HINDUSTANI, HINDI AND URDU 23
It will be better if you write direct to Nanavati. He will keep
me informed of whatever he writes. I trust him.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 828
30. HINDUSTANI, HINDI AND URDU
It is a great pity that bitter controversy has taken place and
still continues regarding the Hindi-Urdu question. So far as the
Congress is concerned Hindustani is its recognized official language
designed as an all-India language for interprovincial contact. It
is not to supplant but to supplement the provincial languages.
The recent resolution of the Working Committee should set all
doubt at rest. If the Congressmen who have to do all-India
work will only take the trouble of learning Hindustani in both
the scripts, we shall have taken many strides in the direction of
our common language goal. The real competition is not between
Hindi and Urdu but between Hindustani and English. It is a
tough fight. I am certainly watching it with grave concern.
Hindi-Urdu controversy has no bottom. Hindustani of the
Congress conception has yet to be crystallized into shape. It will
not be so long as Congress proceedings are not conducted exclu-
sively in Hindustani. The Congress will have to prescribe the dic-
tionaries for use by Congressmen and a department will have to
supply new words outside the dictionaries. It is great work, it is
work worth doing, if we are really to have a living, growing all-
India speech. The department will have to determine which
of the existing literature shall be considered as Hindustani, books,
magazines, weeklies, dailies, whether written in Urdu script or
Devanagari. It is serious work needing a vast amount of plodding
if it is to achieve success.
For the purpose of crystallizing Hindustani, Hindi and Urdu
may be regarded as feeders. A Congressman must therefore wish
well to both and keep in touch with both so far as he can.
This Hindustani will have many synonyms to supply the
varied requirements of a growing nation rich in provincial lan-
guages. Hindustani spoken to Bengali or Southern audiences will
naturally have a large stock of words of Sanskrit origin. The same
speech delivered in the Punjab will have a large admixture of
words of Arabic or Persian origin. Similar will be the case with
audiences composed predominantly of Muslims who cannot
24
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
understand many words of Sanskrit origin. All-India speakers
will have therefore to command a Hindustani vocabulary which
will enable them to feel at home with audiences drawn from all
parts of India. Pandit Malaviyaji’s name comes uppermost in
this connection. I have known him handle Hindi-speaking and
Urdu-speaking audiences with equal case. I have never found
him in want of the correct word. The same is true of Babu
Bhagwandas who uses synonymous words in the same speech, and
he sees to it that it does not lose in grace. Among the Muslims
at the time of writing I can think of only Maulana Mahomed Ali
whose vocabulary was varied enough to suit both audiences. His
knowledge of Gujarati acquired in Baroda service stood him in
good stead.
Independently of the Congress, Hindi and Urdu will continue
to flourish. Hindi will be mostly confined to Hindus and
Urdu to Muslims. As a matter of fact, comparatively speaking,
there are very few Muslims who know Hindi well enough
to be called scholars, though, I expect, in Hindi-speaking parts,
to Muslims born there, Hindi is the mother tongue. There
are thousands of Hindus whose mother tongue is Urdu and there
are hundreds who can be aptly described as Urdu scholars.
Pandit Motilalji was one such. Dr. Tej Bahadur Sapru is an-
other. Illustrations can be easily multiplied. There is therefore
no reason for any quarrel or unhealthy competition between the
two sisters. Healthy competition there always must be.
From all accounts I have received it seems that, under the
able guidance of Moulvi Saheb Abdul Haq, the Osmania Uni-
versity is rendering great service to the cause of Urdu. The Uni-
versity has a big Urdu lexicon. Scientific treatises have been and
are being prepared in Urdu. And as the teaching is being
honestly imparted through Urdu in that University, it must grow.
And if, owing to unreasoning prejudice today, all Hindi-speaking
Hindus do not profit by the literature that is growing there, it is
their fault. But the prejudice has to die. For, the present dis-
union between the communities is, like all diseases, only tempo-
rary. For good or for ill, the two communities are wedded to
India, they are neighbours, sons of the soil. They are destined to
die here as they are born here. Nature will force them to live
in peace if they do not come together voluntarily.
And as with the Hindus so with the Muslims. It is the
latter’s loss, if they will not take advantage of the fruits of the
humbler labours of the Hindi Sahitya Sammelan and the Nagari
Pracharini Sabha. It is a pity they have not taken note with
FOREWORD TO “dADABHAI NAOROJi” 25
pride and pleasure of the big (for the Sammelan) step taken by
it in defining Hindi as the language spoken in the north by
Hindus and Mussalmans and written in Urdu or Devanagari
script. Thus, so far as the definition is concerned, it answers
the Congress definition of Hindustani.
I know that there are some who dream that there shall be
only Urdu or only Hindi. I think it will always remain a
dream and it is an unholy dream. Islam has its own peculiar
culture, so has Hinduism its own. India of the future will be
a perfect and happy blend of both. When that blessed day comes,
their common speech will be Hindustani. But Urdu will still
flourish with a predominance of Arabic and Persian words, and
Hindi will still flourish with its abundant Sanskrit vocabulary.
The language of Tulsidas and Surdas cannot die, even as the
language in which Shibli wrote cannot die. But the best of both
will be quite at home with Hindustani speech.
Utmanzai, October 19, 1938
Harijan, 29-10-1938
31. FOREWORD TO ‘^DADABHAI NAOROJW
Utmanzai,
October 19, 1938
It was on 4th September, 1888, that I sailed from Bombay
with three letters of introduction, the most precious being for the
G. O. M. of India, Dadabhai Naoroji. The letter was given by a
Maharashtrian doctor, a friend of the family. The worthy doctor
told me the G. O. M. did not know him personally, in fact he
had never even had the darshan of the G. O. M. “But,” said the
doctor, “what does it matter? Everyone knows him and adores
him as India’s great son and champion. He has exiled him-
self for us. I claim to know him by his service of India. You
will see that my letter will serve you just as well as if I had
known him personally. The fact is, you need no introduction to
him. Your being an Indian is sufficient introduction. But you
are a youngster, untravelled and timid. This letter will give you
courage enough to go to the G.O.M. and all will be smooth
sailing for you.” And so it was. When I reached London, I soon
found that Indian students had free access to the G.O.M. at all
hours of the day. Indeed he was in the place of father to every
one of them, no matter to which province or religion they belonged.
26 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
He was there to advise and guide them in their difficul-
ties. I have always been a her o-wor shipper. And so Dadabhai
became real Dada^ to me. The relationship took the deepest
root in South Africa. For, he was my constant adviser and inspi-
ration. Hardly a week passed without a letter from me to
him describing the condition of Indians in South Africa. And
I well remember that whenever there was a reply to be ex-
pected, it came without fail in his own handwriting, in his inimit-
ably simple style. I never received a typed letter from him.
And during my visits to England from South Africa I found
that he had for office a garret perhaps 8 feet by 6 feet. There
was hardly room in it for another chair. His desk, his chair and
the pile of papers filled the room. I saw that he wrote his letters
in copying ink and press-copied them himself.
I have not read Shri Masani’s sketch. But if he has at all
done justice to the life so noble and yet so simple, his work
needs no introduction from me or anybody else. May it be an
inspiration to the reader even as Dadabhai living was to me.
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: C.W. 4875
32. LETTER TO RUSTOM MAS AM
Utmanzai,
October 19, 1938
DEAR FRIEND,
Here is the promised foreword^. I hope it is quite in
time.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
[PS.]
I am just now reading during spare moments your The Reli-
gion of the Good Life, a copy of which you kindly sent me.
I see you want my photo. You will be surprised to learn
that I keep none myself.
M. K. G.
Incidents of Gandhiji’s Life, p. 170
* Grandfather
^ Vide the preceding item.
33. DISCUSSION WITH ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN
[October 19120, 193Sy
An important stage in Gandhiji’s Frontier mission was reached when
in his quiet retreat at Utmanzai he devoted two days to confabulate and
compare notes with Badshah Khan after his tour of the Khudai Khidmat-
gars in Peshawar and Mardan districts. He asked Badshah Khan :
What is your impression? How do the Khudai Khidmat-
gars stand with regard to non-violence?
[a. g. k.] My impression, Mahatmaji, is that as they themselves
admitted before us, the other day, they are raw recruits and fall far
short of the standard. There is violence in their hearts which they have
not been able altogether to cast out. They have their defects of temper. But
there is no doubt as to their sincerity. Given a chance they can be ham-
mered into shape and I think the attempt is worth while. ... If we could
assimilate and put into practice the whole of the doctrine of non-violence
as you have explained it to us, how much stronger and better off we should
be. . . .
Gandhiji suggested to Badshah Khan that if non-violence was to
receive a fair trial, the Khudai Khidmatgars must be prepared to go through
a rigorous course of training in constructive non-violence which he had in
mind for them.
[a. g. k.] My idea, Mahatmaji, is to make Utmanzai into a model
village. The spinning and weaving centre will serve as a sort of permanent
exhibition for the education of the villagers. At the home for Khudai
Khidmatgars we shall set before us the self-sufficiency ideal. We shall wear
only the clothes that we ourselves produced, eat only such fruits and vegetables
as we raise there and have a small dairy to provide us with milk. We
shall deny ourselves what we cannot ourselves produce.
[g.] Good. May I further suggest that the Khudai Khid-
matgars should take their due share in the building of the huts
too that are to house them?
[a. g. k.] That is our idea.
To train the first batch of workers, Gandhiji suggested that some
Khudai Khidmatgars whom Badshah Khan might select might be sent
’ From Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— IV” published in
Harijan, 12-11-1938
27
28
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to Wardha, where, besides becoming adepts in the science of khadi, they
would also get a grounding in first aid and hygiene, sanitation and village
uplift work and in Hindustani. They would also be initiated there into the
Wardha Scheme of education so that on their return they would be able to
take up the work of mass education. Gandhiji then said:
But your work will not make headway unless you take the
lead and yourself become an adept in all these things.
Lastly, your work will come to nought unless you enforce
the rule of punctuality in your retreat. There must be a fixed
routine and fixed hours for rising and going to bed, for taking
meals and for work and rest, and they must be rigorously en-
forced. I attach the greatest importance to punctuality; it is
a corollary to non-violence.
They next proceeded to discuss the modus operandi by which the Khudai
Khidmatgars, when they had become sure of their non-violence, would fulfil
their mission of coping with the trans-border raids. Badshah Khan was of
the opinion that the task was rendered infinitely difficult by the presence of
the police and the military who were not fully under popular control and
whose presence there brought in all the evils of double rule. “Either
the authorities should whole-heartedly co-operate with us or they should
withdraw the police and the military from one district to begin with, and
we shall then undertake to maintain the peace of that district through
our Khudai Khidmatgars.” But Gandhiji held a different view. He remarked :
I frankly confess that I do not expect the authorities whole-
heartedly to co-operate with us. They would distrust our ability,
if not our motive. It is too much to expect them to withdraw
the police on trust. Non-violence is a universal principle and
its operation is not limited by a hostile environment. Indeed its
efficacy can be tested only when it acts in the midst of and in
spite of opposition. Our non-violence would be a hollow thing
and nothing worth if it depended for its success on the goodwill
of the authorities. If we can establish full control over the
people, we shall render the police and the military innocuous.
And he described to Badshah Khan how during the Bombay riots on
the occasion of the Prince of Wales’s visit, the police and the military found
their job gone because the Gongress immediately regained control and peace
was restored.
[a. g. k.] But the difficulty is that the raiders are mostly bad charac-
ters, who have absconded from British India. We cannot make contact with
them because the authorities won’t permit us or our workers to go into
the tribal territory.
DISCUSSION WITH ABDUL GHAFFAR KHAN
29
[g.] They must, and I tell you they will when we are fully
ready. But for that we shall need to have a body of Khudai
Khidmatgars who are really and truly servants of God, with
whom non-violence is a living faith. Non-violence is an active
principle of the highest order. It is soul force or the power
of the godhead within us. Imperfect man cannot grasp the whole
of that Essence — he would not be able to bear its full blaze —
but even an infinitesimal fraction of it, when it becomes active
within us, can work wonders. The sun in the heavens fills the
whole universe with its life-giving warmth. But if one went
too near it, it would consume him to ashes. Even so is it with
godhead. We become godlike to the extent we realize non-
violence; but we can never become wholly God. Non-violence is
like radium in its action. An infinitesimal quantity of it imbed-
ded in a malignant growth, acts continuously, silently, and cease-
lessly till it has transformed the whole mass of the diseased tissue
into a healthy one. Similarly, even a tiny grain of true non-
violence acts in a silent, subtle, unseen way and leavens the
whole society.
It is self-acting. The soul persists even after death, its exis-
tence does not depend on the physical body. Similarly, non-
violence or soul force too, does not need physical aids for its
propagation or effect. It acts independently of them. It trans-
cends time and space.
It follows, therefore, that if non-violence becomes successfully
established in one place, its influence will spread everywhere.
So long as a single dacoity takes place in Utmanzai, I will say
that our non-violence is not genuine.
The basic principle on which the practice of non-violence
rests is that what holds good in respect of yourself holds good
equally in respect of the whole universe. All mankind in essence
are alike. What is, therefore, possible for me is possible for
everybody. Pursuing further this line of reasoning, I came to
the conclusion that if I could find a non-violent solution of the
various problems that arise in one particular village, the lesson
learnt from it would enable me to tackle in a non-violent
manner all similar problems in India.
And so I decided to settle down in Sevagram. My sojourn
in Sevagram has been an education for me. My experience with
the Harijans has provided me with what I regard as an ideal
solution for the Hindu-Muslim problem, which does away with
all pacts. So if you can set things right in Utmanzai your
whole problem would be solved. Even our relations with the
30
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
English will be transformed and purified if we can show to them
that we really do not stand in need of the protection for which
their police and the army are ostensibly kept.
But Badshah Khan had a doubt. In every village there is an element
of self-seekers and exploiters who are ready to go to any length in order
to serve their selfish ends. Would it not be better, Khan Saheb asked, to
ignore them altogether or should an attempt be made to cultivate them
too.
[g.] We may ultimately have to leave some of them out, but
we may not regard anybody as irreclaimable. We should try to
understand the psychology of the evil-doer. He is very often
victim of his circumstances. By patience and sympathy, we shall
be able to win over at least some of them to the side of justice.
Moreover, we should not forget that even evil is sustained
through the co-operation, either willing or forced, of good. Truth
alone is self-sustained. In the last resort we can curb power of
the evil-doers to do mischief by withdrawing all co-operation
from them and completely isolating them.
This in essence is the principle of non-violent non-co-opera-
tion. It follows, therefore, that it must have its roots in love.
Its object should not be to punish the opponent or to inflict
injury upon him. Even while non-co-operating with him, we
must make him feel that in us he has a friend and we should try
to reach his heart by rendering him humanitarian service whenever
possible. In fact it is the acid test of non-violence that in a
non-violent conflict there is no rancour left behind, and in the
end the enemies are converted into friends. That was my exper-
ience in South Africa with General Smuts. He started by being
my bitterest opponent and critic. Today he is my warmest
friend. For eight years we were ranged on opposite sides. But
during the Second Round Table Conference it was he who
stood by me and, in public as well as in private, gave me his full
support. This is only one instance out of many that I can quote.
Times change and systems decay. But it is my faith that
in the result, it is only non-violence and things that are based
on non-violence that will endure. Nineteen hundred years ago
Christianity was born. The ministry of Jesus lasted only for three
brief years. His teaching was misunderstood even during his
own time, and today’s Christianity is a denial of his central
teaching — “Love your enemy”. But what are nineteen hund-
red years for the spread of the central doctrine of a man’s
teaching ?
NOTES
31
Six centuries rolled by and Islam appeared on the scene.
Many Mussalmans will not even allow me to say that Islam, as
the word implies, is unadulterated peace. My reading of the
Koran has convinced me that the basis of Islam is not vio-
lence. But here again thirteen hundred years are but a speck
in the cycle of Time. I am convinced that both these great
faiths will live only to the extent that their followers imbibe
the central teaching of non-violence. But it is not a thing to be
grasped through mere intellect, it must sink into our hearts.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 71-8
34. NOTES
Mr. and Esquire v. Shri, Moulvi, Maulana, Janab
AND THE Like
Some friends told me on my putting ‘Shri’ before ‘Jinnah’
instead of ‘Mr.’ in my statement made before I visited him in
Bombay that it must have offended him. I demurred and said
that if he was offended he would have given me a gentle hint,
I would have apologized and used an adjective he liked best.
The readers will remember, in the heyday of non-co-operation
the terms ‘Mr.’ and ‘Esq.’ were dropped by Congressmen and
the nationalist Press, and ‘Shri’ was the title largely used for all
irrespective of religion. Though the practice has largely fallen
into desuetude, I have never given it up. But for our bad
habit, I was going to say slavish mentality, we would never have
used ‘Mr.’ and ‘Esquire’ before or after Indian names. In
Europe an Englishman never addresses foreigners as ‘Mr.’ or
‘Esquire’ but uses the adjectives current in the respective coun-
tries. Thus Hitler is never called ‘Mr.’, he is ‘Herr’ Hitler.
Similarly Mussolini is neither ‘Mr.’ nor ‘Herr’, he is ‘Signor’.
Why we should have dropped our own nomenclature I do not
know. But a moment’s detachment from the prevailing habit
should show us that the use of ‘Mr.’ and ‘Esquire’ before or after
Indian names sounds ludicrous.
I must, however, admit that the use of ‘Shri’ before Muslim
names, in these days of mutual suspicion, may not please Muslim
friends. I have discussed the matter with some Muslim friends.
They told me the word ‘Moulvi’ was the usual adjective. ‘Janab’
I have heard often in the South. Anyway I can say that in
using ‘Shri’ for Muslim Indian names, I have had no idea except
32 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the friendliest. When anybody calls me ‘Mr.’ the use of the
word jars on me. The happiest Hindu usage is ‘ji’ at the end
of the name. ‘Saheb’ is synonymous with ‘ji’. I remember I al-
ways used to address the late Hakim Ajmalkhan as Hakimji.
Some Muslim friend told me that Hakim ‘Saheb’ would be pre-
ferred by Muslims. I had not known before of any such prefer-
ence. But since the correction, except for inadvertent use of
‘ji’, I always addressed the deceased patriot as Hakim Saheb. I
could not address him as ‘Mr.’ Ajmalkhan even if somebody de-
posited five salted canes on the naked back. It seems that we
become ‘Misters’ and ‘Esquires’ after we receive English educa-
tion ! ! ! Will readers learned in this kind of lore help me and
persons like me by giving the uncontaminated usages in vogue
in India?
Utmanzai, October 20, 1938
Harijan, 29-10-1938
35. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
October 20, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
My post is going abegging. Hence for four days I am
without any news from you. I know it is well with Mahadev
and yet one wants the written letter. Ba, whose health has
caused me anxiety this time, is out of danger. Perhaps Mahadev
too gets the news independently.
At this end it is all well. I am having good chats with the
Khudai Khidmatgars. The more correct description would be
to say that I have been giving them discourses which Khan Saheb
translates with rare zeal. He puts his whole soul into the thing.
Silence has become second nature with me.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
Utmanzai which we leave tomorrow not to return during
this tour.
From the original: C.W. 3642. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6451
36. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
October 20, 1938
CHI. BRAJKRISHNA,
We get no time to talk.^ My prescription is good for you,
for me and for the country. You would get the freedom you
seek. Your capital is neither silver nor gold, nor intellect; your
capital is your infinite love. You can trade it here to your
heart’s content. I shall not be able to find for you a better
field of service. You may accept it if you like.
I got the impression from S.’s^ letter that she had given up
the thought of F.^ If she wants to marry him you should cau-
tion her fully. You should also tell F. that it would not be
a proper thing for him to take on a married woman.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2460
37. LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
Peshawar,
October 20, 1938
CHI. SHARMA,
I have your letter. Write about your experiences in Cal-
cutta. Satis Babu has grown weak. Do something for him if
you can. Or have you lost touch with nature cure ? I am
only joking. I shall be here till November 9. Then Segaon.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a facsimile of the Hindi: Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah Varsh,
facing p. 272
^ The addressee was with Gandhiji at Utmanzai.
^ 3 The names have been omitted.
68-3
33
38. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Kohat,
October 21, 1938
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I have replied to your telegram. Even if you go to Tra-
vancore as a private citizen, you will succeed. Meet the pris-
oners. There is a good deal of falsehood in the air. I have
received heaps of telegrams from the Congress* totally denying
the charge of violence by it. But there are other telegrams, too,
which say that there has undoubtedly been violence. The truth
can be ascertained only if somebody goes there personally. You
know the attitude I have adopted. The people should withdraw
the allegations against C. P. or make them the main issue. If
they adopt the latter course, then there is no need for satya-
graha. It is for the local workers to make the choice. If C. P.
offers to invite a judge from outside to try the cases, the people
should accept the challenge. If they refuse to do that, the fight
will lose its moral basis. You must have seen my last advice.
If violence is going on for whatever reason, civil disobedience must
be suspended unconditionally. Let those imprisoned remain in
jails. Excepting civil disobedience, the rest of the programme may
continue. You may, however, decide what you think best after
a personal visit. See Ramachandran first and then the prisoners.
Read the accompanying wire from Balkrishna^ of Kanpur.
I have wired back saying I knew nothing of the matter. The
Parliamentary Board, I assume, must have agreed to intervene
on the Minister’s advice. Even if that is not the case, the
Provincial Committee is free to handle the affair as it likes. I
suppose all this is not out of your mind.
1 hope your health is all right. I am keeping well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Why should you resign from the Gandhi Seva Sangh?
Jamnalalji is practically an invalid at present. Even if he resigns,
* Travancore State Congress
2 Balkrishna Sharma, a leading Congress worker of Kanpur
34
LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA 35
however, won’t he continue to give his services? Nothing is
going to improve by your resigning.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, pp. 226-7
39. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
October 21, 1938
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
It is 12.45 a. m. I do not have a pen. But since this is a
good opportunity I am writing in pencil on mill-made paper.
I am late in replying to you. I am helpless. The doctor won’t
allow me to work at night. Today, for some reason, I am not
able to sleep. That is how I can write to you. I hope you
will not find my handwriting difficult to decipher. Or maybe I
shall ask Kanu to copy it out in ink.
Give me time till the end of this tour. Do not mind if this
season is wasted. What do the poor do? There is nothing
improper in what you say. I am certainly not angry but I
am not amused either. I respect your language because you
speak or write just what comes to your mind. Maybe I am in
the dark. It is more probable because I know nothing of these
matters. I have caught hold of one thing. Both of you love
the cow. You are more industrious. You have greater love for
the cow. Parnerkar has more scientific knowledge. In this
situation, I thought I should do something which would allow
scope for both. I shall then know who is right. This may en-
tail some loss and I shall suffer it.
However, I approve of your suggestion. I should not involve
myself in these complications but should appoint an arbitrator
who should listen to both sides and give a decision. His verdict
should be accepted. Could Chimanlal, Nanavati or Mirabehn
serve the purpose? I am inclined to suggest Kishorelal, but
why should I put him to this strain? I do not mind troubling
Radhakisan. If Parnerkar approves of these names, the matter
can be decided soon. You need not wait till I return. You may
mention this to Parnerkar. I think I have now answered all
your points. Be patient.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1911
40. THE CONFISCATED LANDS
It would be wrong on my part if I allowed it to be said
that the Bill to provide for the restoration of lands forfeited during
the Civil Disobedience Movement just passed by the Bombay
Legislature, miscalled expropriatory law, would not have been
passed if I had my will. I must make the confession that I
had some hand in the Ministers’ bringing in the Bill. Indeed I
felt that any other course would be less than correct. Any
parley with those who had bought the lands would be either
coercion on behalf of the Government or blackmail by the so-
called owners. If it was right to restore the lands to the true
owners, it should be done by law. If the Government had not
the power under the Government of India Act even to pass such
an innocent and necessary relief measure, it was worse than
the critics had described it to be. I hold that the Bombay Bill
is more than just. The clause providing for compensation to
the so-called owners to the extent of their outlay plus interest
makes it more than just. The provable facts about these lands
are that they were bought in collusion with the authorities.
Indeed it was difficult for them to find purchasers. The lands were
sold to terrorize the people. It was part of the repressive policy,
and they were sold in some cases for a song. When the Gov-
ernment that resorted to such terrorism gave place to those who
were its victims, surely they must be credited with magnanimity
when, instead of confiscating the lands purchased collusively and
in the teeth of strong and overwhelming popular opposition, they
offered compensation.
Had the fight between the Government and the people been
violent instead of non-violent, the victorious party coming into
power would certainly have restored without compensation all
property to the legal possessors forcibly taken away from the
rightful owners. Surely, the situation could not be altered be-
cause the fight was non-violent and there was a semblance of
legal procedure about the transfers. The public should know
that the lands were first confiscated by the then Government and
when the confiscation did not seem to break the spirit of the
fighters, the unworthy means of selling the lands was resorted to. But
they seemed to be terrified of their own enormity and they desisted
from selling further lands. I would far rather draw the curtain
36
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
37
over the painful past. I have raised it just to let the reader know
that the Bombay Government have not been guilty of injustice.
Kohat, October 22, 1938
Harijan, 29-10-1938
41. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
Kohat,
October 22, 1938
Birla
Royal Exchange
Calcutta
KOHAT UP TO MONDAY. POSTING PROGRAMME. FINISH
NINTH NOVEMBER.
Bapu
From a copy: C.W. 7799. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
42. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Kohat,
October 22, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I got all the live letters yesterday at Peshawar during the
4 hours’ halt.
Tyrants would not be tyrants if they did anything but injustice.
But thank God for this tyrant you acquit him of conscious in-
justice. Mahadev says you felt like fainting the other day. Why?
And why do you persist in working even when you faint? Or
do you want it to be said of you after your death (may it be
after many many years) that you were so conscientious that
you worked away even though you fainted? In my language it
would be called folly. You must not faint. There is no medi-
cine for Shummy save love, more and yet more ad infinitum. I
must not say more if I am to keep my appointments. Your
Kohat letter has come.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3643. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6452
43. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
October 22, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
We arrived in Peshawar yesterday at 8.30 and started out
again at four. Five days’ mail had accumulated in Peshawar.
I got all your letters only yesterday.
Why did you feel that your letters might be a burden to
me? It is not at all so. The fact is that whenever there is no
letter from you, I feel very uneasy. And if the letter is short,
I get angry and wonder what could keep you so busy that you
had to be content with only two lines.
About Bablo, Rajkumari writes to say that he should be given
full scope for mental development. I also believe that this should
be done, either through the current method, i.e., through the
high school, etc., or the other method, of coaching at home. The
development through home coaching will be in one direction,
and through the college, etc., it will be in another direction.
Think over this with Rajkumari. If you can think of anything
different from what is being done at present, we may do it.
Bablo also may suggest.
I have already written to Lilavati. The only purpose behind
asking you also to write to her was that she might hear the
same opinion from all sides. She has given me no notice that
she will not stay with you now. Nor do I feel so. All the
same, we will not keep her there forcibly. But since at present
your plans are uncertain why need we think about the matter?
Pothan has been writing to me about Travancore. Gener-
ally a man’s obituary is written after his death. In your case, this
is done before your death. So why should you concern yourself
now what will be written after your death ? Later on a new and
revised edition of your biography will be brought out. If not
Pothan, somebody else like him will write a revised obituary.
I may not write more today.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11665
38
44. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI
Kohat,
October 22, 1938
CHI. PRABHA,
I have already written you two letters. In one I sent a
note to Shamjibhai for Rs. 300.' You must have received it.
You should respect Jayaprakash’s wishes. Go with him if you
are required to do so. Even in that case, however, bring Saras-
wati with you. Leave her at the nearest station. I will arrange
for somebody to escort her from there. This means, of course,
that you will have to go to Trivandrum. There is no time for
more.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 3523
45. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, KOHAT^
October 22, 1938
I have given over one hour today to acquaint myself with
your difficulties and woes. But I confess to you that I am no
longer fit to tackle such matters. While, on the one hand, old
age is slowly creeping over me, on the other my responsibilities
are becoming more and more multifarious and there is danger
that if I have too many irons in the fire, I may not be able to
do justice to the more important of my responsibilities. And
among these, the responsibility that I have undertaken in respect
of the Khudai Khidmatgars is the more important, and if I can
carry it out to my satisfaction, in collaboration with Khan
Saheb, I will feel that my closing years have not been wasted.
' The letter to Shyamji Sunderdas however mentions Rs. 200; vide
Vol. LXVII, p. 427.
^Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province-Ill ”.
At the meeting addresses were presented to Gandhiji by the District Congress
Committee on behalf of the citizens of Kohat. The meeting was attended by
about 5,000 people.
39
40 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
People laugh at me and at the idea of Khudai Khidmat-
gars becoming full-fledged non-violent soldiers of swaraj. But
their mockery does not affect me. Non-violence is a quality not
of the body but of the soul. Once its central meaning sinks into
your being, all the rest by itself follows. Human nature in the
Khudai Khidmatgars is not different from mine. And I am sure
that if I can practise non-violence to some extent, they, and
for the matter of that anyone else, can. I, therefore, invite you
to pray with me to the Almighty that He may make real my
dream about the Khudai Khidmatgars.
Harijan, 5-11-1938
46. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
Kohat,
[October 22j23, 1938Y
CHI. BRAJKRISHNA,
I feel on reading your letter that this time at any rate you
have to stay in Delhi. All the tasks suggested are a must for
you.
I shall write to the Meerut people.
You may do whatever seems proper regarding S. Shall I
write to F. ?
I certainly gave you permission to live with me but take it
that this desire is born of attachment. It would not do simply
to assert that Ramana Maharshi and Aurobindo are one-sided
while I am all-sided. One who is one-sided but understands
his mission and pursues it has merit. One who claims to be
all-sided but is only experimenting has even less worth than
broken almond shells. Only God knows where I stand. I am an
aspirant while they are known to be, and perhaps are, realized
souls. Anyway their followers attribute to them full self-realiza-
tion.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2459
* Gandhiji was in Kohat on these dates.
47. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
Kohat,
[October 22123, 1938]^
In the course of his talk before the Khudai Khidmatgar officers at
Kohat, he impressed upon them the tremendous nature of the step which
they had taken. He had often said before that if the Pathan, famed in the
world for the prowess of his arms, really took to non-violence, renouncing
arms, it would be a red-letter day in the history of India and the world.
For good or for ill, the Pathan today has come to be re-
garded as a bogey man by the average person in India. In
Gujarat and Kathiawar children turn pale at the very mention
of the Pathan. At Sabarmati Ashram, we try to inculcate
fearlessness among the children. But I am ashamed to confess
that in spite of all our elforts we have not succeeded in making
them eradicate the fear of the Pathan from their hearts. I have
not been able to impress upon our ashram girls that they have
no need to fear a Pathan. They try to make a show of bravery.
But it is only a make-believe. During a communal disturbance
they dare not stir out of their homes if there is a report of even
a casual Pathan being about. They are afraid they would be
kidnapped.
I tell them that even if they are kidnapped they must not be
frightened. They should appeal to the kidnapper’s sense of
honour to behave chivalrously towards one who should be as a
sister to him. If in spite of their entreaties he persists in his
evil intentions (since all must die some day), they can put an
end to their life by biting the tongue but not submit. They
answer, ‘What you say is right. But it is all new to us. We
have not the confidence that at the proper time we shall be
able to do what you tell us.’ If such is the case with the Ashram
girls, what must it be with others? When, therefore, I hear
that a body of Khidmatgars has arisen among the Pathans, who
have completely renounced violence, I do not know whether
to believe it or not.
^ Gandhiji was in Kohat on these two days. However, according to the
source this talk took place before “Talk to Khudai Khidmatgars”, pp. 44-7.
41
42
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
What are the implications of renouncing violence and what
is the mark of a person who has renounced violence?
One did not become a Khudai Khidmatgar by adopting that name
or by putting on the Khudai Khidmatgar’s uniform, he told them. It
needed systematic training in non-violence. In Europe where they had
glorified killing into a noble profession, they spent millions on per-
fecting the science of destruction. Their best scientists were pressed into its
service. Even their educational system was centred on it. They spent stu-
pendous sums too on luxuries and means of physical comforts, which formed
a part of their ideal. By contrast, the mark of a man of God or a Khudai
Khidmatgar should be purity, industry and unremitting hard labour in the
service of God’s creation.
In the course of serving your fellow creatures you will get a
measure of the progress you have made in non-violence and of
the power that is in non-violence. Armed with this power, a
single person can stand against the whole world. That is not pos-
sible with the sword.
Hitherto, non-violence had been synonymous with civil breach of laws
and taking the penalty for the same non-violently. But he wished to tell
them that, although civil disobedience was included in the programme of
non-violence, its essence as he had pointed out at Swabi, was the moral right
or fitness which it presupposed in the civil resister and which accrued to one
who trained himself in the practice of non-violence.' In the satyagraha
fight ‘civil disobedience is the end, not the beginning. It is the last step, not
the first.’ People used to have a craven fear of the Government. As a remedy,
he had prescribed satyagraha or civil disobedience. It was a sharp medicine.
Unless a physician, who administers powerful drugs, knows
exactly when to stop, he loses his patient. That is why I prompt-
ly called off civil disobedience, confining it to myself alone
when the situation demanded it.^ It was just in time. So I
would like you, for the time being, to forget civil disobedience.
He next proceeded to explain that service of God could only be per-
formed through service of His creatures. He had made it his habit to try
to see always the hand of God in everything even at the risk of being consi-
dered superstitious. Thus he saw the hand of God in the name that Bad-
shah Khan had given them. Badshah Khan had not called them satyagrahis
but servants of God.
* Vide “Speech at Swabi’’, p. 20.
2 In April 1934 Gandhiji had advised all Congressmen to suspend civil
disobedience for swaraj as distinguished from civil disobedience for specific
grievances; vide Vol. LVII, pp. 348-50.
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
43
But how to serve God since He is incorporate and needs
no personal service? We can serve Him by serving His creation.
There is an Urdu verse which says: ‘Man can never be God
but in essence he is not different from Divinity.’ Let us make
our village our universe. We shall then serve God by serving
our village. To relieve the distress of the unemployed by provid-
ing them work, to tend the sick, to wean people from their in-
sanitary habits, to educate them in cleanliness and healthy living
should be the job of a Khudai Khidmatgar. And since what-
ever he does is in God’s service, his service will be performed
with far more diligence and care than that of paid workers.
He ended by giving a few practical hints as to how to cultivate non-
violent strength.
A Khudai Khidmatgar will keep a strict account of every
minute of his time which he will regard as God’s trust. To
waste a single moment of one’s time in idleness or frivolity is a
sin against God. It is on a par with stealing. If there is even
a tiny little bit of land available, he will occupy himself with
growing something on it — food or vegetables for the destitute
and needy. If he should feel inclined to sit idle and do nothing
because his parents have enough money to enable him to pur-
chase food and vegetables from the bazaar, he will argue to him-
self that by drawing upon the bazaar supplies, he deprives the
poor of the same and steals what belongs to God. Before he
purchases or uses anything, a Khudai Khidmatgar will ask him-
self whether there is not somebody else whose need may be
greater than his. Supposing somebody places a sumptuous dish
before him and a starving person appears on the scene, he will
think of the latter’s need first, feed him and then alone partake
of the dish.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 83-6
48. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
October 23, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
As the ink in Sushila’s pen is exhausted, I am writing with
a pencil to save time. This was given to me by Brijkrishna.
I am sending the accompanying letter only for your information.
I have written to Agatha and asked her to come here directly.
44
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
My return may be delayed and it does not seem proper that she
should keep wandering from place to place. Here some of the
sights are so charming that I cannot help thinking about you.
The climate of course is excellent. I will not write to Raj-
kumari today.
There is a heap of letters.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11667
49. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
Hungoo,
[October 23, 1938^
Gandhijl referred to an address of welcome that had been presented
to him at Nasarat Khel on the way, at the foundation laying ceremony of the
Khudai Khidmatgars’ office. In it there was a reference to “our last strug-
gle”. He remarked:
Let me tell you that civil disobedience may come and go,
but our non-violent struggle for freedom goes on and will
continue till Independence is attained. Only the form has
changed.
I know that to 90 per cent Indians, non-violence means that
and nothing else.^ It is good so far. There is bravery in it.
But you and particularly the Khudai Khidmatgar officers must
clearly understand that this is not the whole of non-violence.
If you have really understood the meaning of non-violence, it
should be clear to you that non-violence is not a principle or a
virtue to be brought into play on a particular occasion or to
be practised with reference to a particular party or section. It
has to become a part and parcel of our being. Anger should
disappear from our hearts altogether, otherwise what is the diff-
erence between ourselves and our oppressors? Anger may lead
one person to issue an order to open fire, another to use abus-
ive language, a third one to use the lathi. At root it is all
' According to Pyarelal’s report in the Frontier Province-Ill published
in Harijan, 5-11-1938, Gandhiji visited Hungoo on October 23, 1938.
^ The address had mentioned that the Khudai Khidmatgars had not
been and would never be cowed down by repression.
TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
45
the same. It is only when you have become incapable of feel-
ing or harbouring anger in your hearts that you can claim to
have shed violence or can expect to remain non-violent to the
end.
He then proceeded to explain the difference between civil disobedience
and satyagraha.
Our civil disobedience or non-co-operation, by its very
nature, was not meant to be practised for all time. But the
fight which we are today putting up through our constructive
non-violence has a validity for all time; it is the real thing. Sup-
posing the Government were to cease to arrest civil resisters, our
jail-going would then stop but that would not mean that our
fight is over. A civil resister does not go to jail to embarrass
the jail authorities by indulging in the breach of jail rules. Of
course, there can be civil disobedience in jail too. But there
are definite rules for it. The point is that the civil resister’s fight
does not end with his imprisonment. Once we are inside the
prison we become civilly dead so far as the outside world is
concerned. But inside the prison our fight to convert the hearts
of the Government’s bond slaves, i. e., the jail officials, just
begins. It gives us a chance of demonstrating to them that we
are not like thieves or dacoits, that we wish them no ill, nor
do we want to destroy the opponent but want only to make
him our friend, not by servilely obeying all orders, just or unjust —
that is not the way to win true friendship — but by showing them
that there is no evil in us, that we sincerely wish them well and
in our hearts pray that God’s goodness may be upon them. My
fight continued even when I was lodged behind prison bars. I
have been several times in prison and every time I have left only
friends behind in the jail officials and others with whom I have
come in contact.
It is a speciality of non-violence that its action never stops.
That cannot be said of the sword or the bullet. The bullet can
destroy the enemy; non-violence converts the enemy into a friend
and thus enables the civil resister to assimilate to himself the
latter’s strength.
By their civil disobedience struggle, he continued, they had demons-
trated to the world their determination no longer to be ruled by the British.
But they had now to give proof of valour of another and higher type. During
the Khilafat days tall, hefty Pathan soldiers used to come and meet the Ali
Brothers and himself secretly. They used to tremble at the thought of
their visit being discovered by their superior officers and resulting in their
46
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
dismissal from service. In spite of their tall stature and physical strength
they used to cower and become servile when confronted by a person phys-
ically stronger than they.
I want strength which will enable me to submit to none
but God, my sole Lord and Master. It is only when I can do
that, that I can claim to have realized non-violence.
He then proceeded to expatiate on another speciality of non-violence,
viz., one need not go to a school or a pir or a guru to learn its use. Its virtue
lay in its simplicity. If they realized that it was the most active principle that
worked all the twenty-four hours without rest or remission, they would look
for opportunities for its application in their homes, in the streets, in relation
to their foes no less than friends. They could begin to practise it in their
homes from that very day. He had disciplined himself sufficiently never to
feel angry with the enemy, but he confessed that he sometimes lost temper
with friends. Such discipline in non-violence as he had, he told them, he
had at home from his wife. And with that he unfolded in poignant detail, a
chapter of his domestic life. He used to be a tyrant at home, he said. His
tyranny was the tyranny of love.
I used to let loose my anger upon her. But she bore it all
meekly and uncomplainingly. I had a notion that it was her
duty to obey me, her lord and master, in everything. But her
unresisting meekness opened my eyes and slowly it began to
dawn upon me that I had no such prescriptive right over her.
If I wanted her obedience, I had first to persuade her by patient
argument. She thus became my teacher in non-violence. And I
dare say, I have not had a more loyal and faithful comrade in
life. I literally used to make life a hell for her. Every other
day I would change my residence, prescribe what dress she was
to wear. She had been brought up in an orthodox family
where untouchability was observed. Muslims and untouchables
used to frequent our house. I made her serve them all regard-
less of her innate reluctance. But she never said ‘no’. She was
not educated in the usual sense of the term and was simple and
unsophisticated. Her guileless simplicity conquered me com-
pletely.
You have all wives, mothers and sisters at home. You can
take the lesson of non-violence from them. You must, besides,
take the vow of truth, ask yourselves how dear truth is to you
and how far you observe it in thought, word and deed. A person
who is not truthful is far away from non-violence. Untruth it-
self is violence.
THE NATIONAL FLAG
47
Referring to the month of Ramzan that had just set in, he told them
how it could be used to make a start in non-violence.
We seem to think that the observance of Ramzan begins
and ends with abstention from food and drink. We think no-
thing of losing temper over trifles or indulging in abuse during
the sacred month of Ramzan. If there is the slightest delay
in serving the repast at the time of the breaking of the fast, the
poor wife is hauled over live coals. I do not call it observing
the Ramzan, but its travesty. If you really want to cultivate
non-violence, you should take a pledge that come what may,
you will not give way to anger or order about members of your
household or lord it over them. You can thus utilize trifling
little occasions in everyday life to cultivate non-violence in your
own person and teach it to your children.
He took another instance. Suppose somebody hit their child with a
stone. Usually the Pathan tells his child not to return home to whine but
to answer back with a bigger stone. But a votary of non-violence, said
Gandhiji, would tell his child not to meet a stone by a stone but by em-
bracing the boy who threw the stone and making friends with him.
The same formula, i. e., to banish anger completely from
the heart and to make everybody into one’s friend, is indeed
enough to win India her independence. It is the surest and the
quickest way, too, and it is my claim that for winning Indepen-
dence for the poor masses of India, it is the only way.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 87-91
50. THE NATIONAL FLAG
Here is a letter from a correspondent:
It has become a far too common occurrence and therefore deserving
of notice at your hands to set up the national tri-coloured
flag in such a manner as to indicate rivalry with or predominance over
the religious flags and other symbols exhibited on occasions of religious
worship and festivities. While we all desire that the national flag should
be a symbol of unity and determination to achieve uninterrupted
progress in all directions, we should be undoing this very purpose by
trying to make rivalry between the national flag and other flags and
symbols connected with religion which should predominate on occa-
sions of religious ceremony. The enthusiasm of some of our workers
leads them to error in this respect and in fact to develop an opposi-
tion in some quarters to the national flag which did not exist before.
48
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Sometimes, again, private interests and factions seek to make use of
the national feeling in respect of the flag and exploit it for their
own purposes by mixing up a quarrel with the national flag and con-
fusing the issues in regard to incidents.
It seems as if ever so many of the movements for which you were
responsible are liable to be misconstrued and misdirected, unless
you are always ready to re-explain, re-interpret and prevent misdirec-
tion. I particularly fear the consequences of doing anything to create
a rivalry between the national flag and the religious symbols of either
Hindus or Mussulmans or of others. The tendency of setting up the
national flag on temple cars and temple towers offends my sense of the
universality of religion and the incongruity of trying to nationalize
God.
As the author of the idea of a national flag and its make
up which in essence the present flag represents, I have felt
grieved how the flag has been often abused and how it has
even been used to cover violence. The flag has been designed
to represent non-violence expressed through real communal unity
and non-violent labour which the lowliest and highest can easily
undertake with the certain prospect of making substantial and
yet imperceptible addition to the wealth of the country. But
today it must be confessed that from that standpoint it is merely
a piece of tricolour cloth not always khadi and is not proud of
[j'zc] and a living emblem of communal unity and equalizing
labour in which all participate. The spinning-wheel does hum in
thousands of village huts. But compared to what should be,
the result is poor.
Moreover the national flag, if it is a symbol of non-vio-
lence must also mean humility. If I had my way I would
not exhibit it at any meeting which is not a purely Congress
meeting if a single person objects to it. The dignity of the flag
cannot be lowered by yielding even to a single objector at a
non-Congress meeting. Its dignity will be lowered when it is
hauled down for fear of the power we want to oust. The dig-
nity will be still more lowered when we exhibit it at meetings
or on Congress offices though we have no living faith in com-
munal unity and the spinning-wheel with all its implications.
Since the flag is not a religious symbol and represents and reconciles
all religions, in religious processions, or temples or religious ga-
therings it has no place. Everything has its value when it is
in its place. It has none when it is out of its place. Bullion and
banknotes have no value whatsoever in the desert of Sahara.
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
49
Indeed in the present state of tension, I would not hoist it on
Government buildings or municipal offices unless it is accepted
not merely by an overwhelming vote but unanimously. I have
no hesitation in saying that even one vote cast against it, maybe
mischievously, should have its weight, if the flag is a symbol
of non-violence and humility.
My correspondent has evidently more faith in the power
of my pen than I have. I write not because I believe that
my word would carry weight where it is intended to carry.
But I may not reject the correspondent’s appeal. His argument
and facts I accept. I may not restrain myself simply because of
the fear that my word may miscarry. Anyway, it does me good
to redeclare my faith in the flag with all the implications I
have mentioned.
Bannu, October 24, 1938
Harijan, 5-11-1938
51. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Bannu,
October 24, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
You must do with the pencil hand and on mill-made paper
— the pencil does not move well on the glazed hand-made.
Your two letters were awaiting me when we reached Bannu.
‘A Woman’s Letter’’ I may use for Harijan. Your Kathiawar
thing^ will go in this week with the last paragraph or two cut
out.
It is not likely that my articles on the European situation
will bear fruit immediately. But they will, if India develops
non-violence. There are grave doubts about its possibility. My
own impurity is probably the chief stumbling-block. My word
has lost its power as it appears to me. It should, according to
my views of purity. However, I push on in faith. I must de-
tach myself from the results of my thought, word or deed. I am
not going to judge myself and condemn me to inactivity because I
cannot get rid of the impurity in spite of incessant effort. Now
’ Vide “Woman’s Special Mission”, pp. 51-3.
2 Vide “Kathiawar Notes”, 4-11-1938.
68-4
50
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
perhaps you will understand my disbelief in my power to
reach the woman’s heart. But this is a long story. So much
has come in spontaneously. You won’t worry because I do not
worry at all. I do not brood over my impurity. I see the
snake is there. I know his fangs worse than a krait’s. I am
therefore on my guard. The best test of no worry is my uniformly
steady b. p.
I wish you would show this to Mahadev. When I began the
letter I did not know that it would be a serious business. It is
good in a way. I have simply given you a few lines for love’s
sake.
Love.
Tyrant
Otherwise Warrior
According to the
Latest Honours’ List
From the original: C.W. 3644. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6453
52. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Bannu,
October 24, 1938
chi. mahadev,
At the moment I have no pen and so I am writing with
a pencil. Rather than write nothing, is it not better to write
with a pencil and use even mill-made paper?
I got both your letters on arrival here today. What you
write about Kanti’s letter is correct. If I can, I will make use
of it. I shall see. Rajkumari was to be shown that portion
only, that is, the substance, so that she might be pleased to
know that Kanti’s ideas were developing well.
What you say about her — Rajkumari’ s — virtues is correct.
Such contacts serve to make us humble and increase our spirit
of service. From this point of view, such occasions arising
without our seeking should be welcomed. When I have complet-
ed the tour, we shall think about what you should do. We shall
be leaving here on November 10 at the latest. It may even be
sooner. Even that Lilavati will consider too late. I do feel, there-
fore, that if you like the place there, and Rajkumari is ready
to stay and have you as her guest, you should stay on. Simla
is really at its best in November-December. I do not believe it
woman’s special mission
51
possible that you can start working by November 10. This rest
will not be wasted. You are paying a long-accumulated debt
and so, if not to Simla, you must go somewhere else for rest.
You may consult Rajkumari about Jullundur.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11668
53. LETTER TO SHARDA C. SHAH
Bannu,
October 24, 1938
CHI. SHARDA,
I have received your letter. But I have no time today to
write you a long reply. Now the days you have to count are
becoming fewer and fewer, aren’t they?
I shall have to come and make some changes in your diet.
I cannot do it from here. Do you have to nurse Bhansalibhai
any time? Do you go for your walks alone? Does Shakaribehn*
go out?
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10001. Gourtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
54. WOMAN'S SPECIAL MISSION
The Editor, Harijan
Sir,
I have read your articles on the recent European crisis with
great joy. It was only natural that you should speak to Europe now.
How could you restrain yourself when humanity was on the very verge
of destruction?
Will the world listen? That is the question.
There is no doubt — judging from letters from friends in Eng-
land — that people there went through absolute agony during that ghast-
ly week. I am sure the same applies to the whole world. The mere
’ Addressee’s mother
52
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
thought of war — modern warfare — with its devilish ingenuity and conse-
quent pitiless butchery and bestiality — definitely made people think
as they had never thought before. “The sigh of relief that was breathed
and the gratitude to God that went up from every heart when the news
came through that war had been averted are something that I can never
forget as long as I live,” writes an English friend. And yet is it just
the fear of unspeakable suffering, the dread of losing one’s nearest
and dearest, of seeing one’s country humiliated, that cause one to detest
war? Are we glad war has been averted even at the humiliation of an-
other nation? Would we have felt differently if the sacrifice of honour had
been demanded of us? Do we hate war because we realize it is the
wrong way to settle disputes or is our hatred of it part and parcel of
our fear? These are questions that must be answered in the right way
if war is really to vanish from the earth.
The crisis over, however, what do we see? A more strenuous race
than before for armaments, a more comprehensive and intensive organi-
zation than ever of all the resources available — of men, women, money,
skill and talent — in the event of war! No avowed declaration that
“War shall not be” from anywhere! Is this not a recognition that war
— however averted today — is still hanging over our heads as the pro-
verbial sword of Damocles?
To me, as a woman, it is painful to realize that my sex has not
contributed to world peace the quota that should be ours by instinct
and prerogative to contribute. It pains me to read and hear of
women’s auxiliary corps being organized, of women being command-
eered and volunteering to take their full share in the actual field as
well as behind the lines. And yet, when war comes, it is the women’s
hearts that are wrung in agony — it is their souls that are scarred
beyond repair. It is all so inexplicable. Why is it that we have not
chosen the better part through all the ages? Why have we, without
murmur, bowed the knee to hideous, soulless, brute force? It is a
sad commentary on our spiritual development. We have failed to
understand our high calling. I am quite convinced that if women
could only have a heart understanding of the power and glory of
non-violence all would be well with the world.
Why cannot you inspire and organize us, women of India? Why
will you not concentrate on having us as your “sword arm”? How
often have I longed for you to undertake an all-India tour just for this
purpose? I believe that you would have a wonderful response, for the
heart of Indian womanhood is sound and no women, perhaps in the
world, have finer traditions of sacrifice and self-effacement behind
them as we. Perhaps if you would make something of us we may, in
LETTER TO MOTILAL ROY
53
however humble a manner, be able to show the way of peace to a sor-
rowing and stricken world. Who knows?
22-10-1938 A Woman
I publish this letter not without hesitation. The correspon-
dent’s faith in my ability to stir the woman heart flatters me.
But I am humble enough to recognize my limitations. It seems
to me that the days of my touring are over. Whatever I can
do by writing I must continue. But my faith is increasing in
the efficacy of silent prayer. It is by itself an art — perhaps the
highest art requiring the most refined diligence. I do believe
that it is woman’s mission to exhibit ahimsa at its highest and
best. But why should it be a man to move the woman heart?
If the appeal is addressed exclusively to me not as man but
as the (supposed to be) best exponent of ahimsa to be practised
on a mass scale, I have no urge in me to go about preaching the
doctrine to the women of India. I can assure my correspondent
that there is no want of will in me that deters me from respond-
ing to her appeal. My feeling is that if men of the Congress can
retain their faith in ahimsa and prosecute the non-violence pro-
gramme faithfully and fully, the women would be automatically
converted. And it may be that there shall arise one among them
who will be able to go much farther than I can ever hope to
do. For woman is more fitted than man to make explorations
and take bolder action in ahimsa. For the courage of self-sacrifice
woman is any day superior to man as I believe man is to woman
for the courage of the brute.
Bannu, October 25, 1938
Harijan, 5-11-1938
55. LETTER TO MOTILAL ROT
Bannu,
October 25, 1938
DEAR MOTI BABU,
I had your affectionate wire. But this I write not to give
you thanks which I have done through the Press, but to tell you
how heavy the burden of the debt owing by the P. Sangh to the
A. I. S. A. lies on me. For I am chiefly responsible for the trans-
action. Such was my faith in your business-likeness and of course
integrity. Both of us are public institutions and I suggest to you
54
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
that on that account our mutual dealing should be much more
correct than those among private businessmen. Do please see to
the debt being discharged.
Love.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
[PS.]
But address Wardha.
From a photostat: G.N. 11050
56. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Bannu,
October 25, 1938
BA,
I put oflF writing to you as you have now recovered. As
we are touring at present, I hardly get time even to write a
postcard. But you ought to write or send a message. Every-
thing is going well here.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2215
57. LETTER TO VIDTA A. HINGORANI
Bannu,
October 25, 1938
CHI. VIDYA,
I have a letter from you after a long time. I am glad.
Whenever you want you can come to Mahila Ashram after taking
Jamnalalji’s permission. The rules are a bit changed now.
I will reach Wardha probably on November 12. I had seen
Anand’s letter to Mahadev. As far as possible I avoid writing
letters.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani
58. SPEECH AT BANNU^
October 25, 1938
Perhaps you know that for over two months I have been ob-
serving complete silence. I have benefited by it, and I be-
lieve it has benefited the country too. The silence was original-
ly taken in answer to an acute mental distress, but subsequently
I decided to prolong it indefinitely on its own merits. It has
served me as a wall of protection and enabled me to cope
with my work better than before. When I came to this pro-
vince, I had resolved to relax my silence only for the purpose
of having talks with the Khudai Khidmatgars, but I had to
yield to Khan Saheb’s pressure.
Your addresses have eulogized me and thanked me for having
come here. I do not think I deserve any praise or thanks. I
know that I can do very little to satisfy your expectations. My
visit to the Frontier Province is purely to meet the Khudai
Khidmatgars and know for myself their understanding of non-
violence. Visit to your town is a by-product.
I gave many hours today seeing deputations and studying
papers presented to me. The recent raid of Bannu and the
happenings during the raid have touched me deeply. This
province is peculiarly placed, and is different from the other
provinces inasmuch as on one side it is surrounded by a num-
ber of border tribes containing men whose profession is raiding.
So far as I have been able to know they are not actuated by
communal considerations. The raiders’ motive seems to be satis-
faction of primary needs. That the Hindus are more often
their victims is probably due to the fact that they generally pos-
sess more money. The kidnappings too appear to have the same
motive.
Continuation of the raids is in my opinion a proof of Bri-
tish failure in this part of India. Their Frontier policy has cost
the country crores of rupees and thousands of lives have been
sacrificed. The brave tribesmen still remain unsubdued. If all
* At the meeting, which was largely attended, addresses of welcome to
Gandhiji were presented by the Bannu District Congress Committee and the
Seva Samiti, Chandni Chowk. The report of the speech was also pub-
lished in The Hindustan Times and The Bombay Chronicle.
55
56
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the accounts I have heard today are substantially correct, and I
believe they are, life and property are not secure in most parts of
the province.
A number of people whose relations or dear ones have
either been killed or kidnapped and held to ransom by the
raiders, saw me today. As I listened to the harrowing tales
of distress my heart went out to them in sympathy. But I must
confess to you that with all the will in the world, I possess no
magic spell by which I could restore them to their families. Nor
should you expect much from the Government or the Congress
ministry. No Government can afford, and the present British
Government lacks even the will, to mobilize its military resources
every time one of its subjects is kidnapped, unless the person
kidnapped happens to belong to the ruling race.
After studying all the facts I have gained the impression that
the situation in respect of border raids has grown worse since the
inauguration of Congress Government. The Congress Ministers
have no effective control over the police, none over the military.
The Congress ministry in this province has less than the others.
I therefore feel that unless Dr. Khan Saheb can cope with the
question of the raids it might be better for him to tender his
resignation. There is danger of the Congress losing all prestige
in this province if the raids continue to increase. Apart from my
opinion, you have to say for yourselves whether in spite of the
handicaps I have mentioned, you would rather have the Cong-
ress ministry or some other. After all, the Prime Minister is
your servant. He holds office under the triple sufferance of his
electorate, the Provincial Congress Committee and the Working
Committee.
Some of those who met me today asked me if they could seek
safety by migrating from the Frontier Province. I have told
them that migration is a perfectly legitimate course to adopt
when there is no other way of living with safety and honour. A
complaint has further been brought to me that the Muslim popu-
lations in the affected places no longer give help against the raiders
which they used to formerly, before certain sections of Frontier
Crime Regulation Act were repealed, and that has encouraged
the raiders. While that may be true, let me warn you that
if you depend for your protection on the armed assistance of
others you must be prepared sooner or later to accept the
domination of these defenders. Of course you are entitled to learn
the art of defending yourselves with arms. You must develop
a sense of co-operation. In no case should you be guilty of
SPEECH AT BANNU
57
cowardice. Self-defence is everybody’s birthright. I do not want
to see a single coward in India.
The fourth alternative is that of non-violent approach which
I am here before you to suggest. It is the surest and infallible
method of self-defence. If I had my way, I would go and mix
with tribes, and argue it out with them and I am sure they
would not be impervious to the argument of love and reason.
But I know today that door is shut to me. The Government
won’t permit me to enter the tribal territory.
The tribesman cannot be the bogey man that he is repre-
sented to be. He is a human just like you and me and capable
of responding to the human touch which has hitherto been conspi-
cuous by its absence in dealing with him. A number of Waziris
came and saw me today at noon. I did not find that their
nature was essentially different from human nature elsewhere.
Man’s nature is not essentially evil. Brute nature has been
known to yield to the influence of love. You must never despair
of human nature. You are a community of traders. Do not
leave out of your traffic that noblest and most precious of merchan-
dise, viz., love. Give to the tribesmen all the love that you are
capable of, and you will have theirs in return.
To seek safety by offering blackmail or ransom to the
raiders would be a direct invitation to them to repeat their
depredations and will be demoralizing alike to the giver and the
tribesmen. Instead of offering them money, the rational course
would be to raise them above penury by teaching them indus-
try and thereby removing the principal motive that leads them
into the raiding habit.
I am having talks with Khudai Khidmatgars in this con-
nection and evolving a plan in collaboration with Khan Saheb.
If the plan bears fruit, and the Khudai Khidmatgars truly become
what their name signifies, the influence of their example like the
sweet fragrance of the rose will spread to the tribes and might
provide a permanent solution of the Frontier question.
Harijan, 5-11-1938
59. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
Bannu,
[On or before October 26, 1938Y
Gandhiji explained the difference between non-violence of the strong and
non-violence of the weak and the difference between constructive work, taken
up as a philanthropic activity or as a political expedient, and constructive work
linked to non-violence, when it becomes an emancipative force with tre-
mendous potency. He recalled how the movement of non-violence was
launched in India. Millions at that time felt that they would not be able to
fight the British Government with the sword as the latter was infinitely better
armed. He told them that even if they went forth to fight, sword in hand,
they had to be ready to face death. If the sword broke in their hand, death
would be a certainty. Why should not they then learn the art of dying
without killing and pit against the enemy the strength of their spirit? The
Government might imprison them or confiscate their property or even kill
them. What did it matter? The argument went home. But in their heart
of hearts, said Gandhiji, many had the feeling that if only they had suffi-
cient armed strength they would resort to fighting. They accepted non-violence
because there was nothing else. In other words, there was violence in
the heart. Only it was given up in action. It was non-violence of the
weak, not of the brave. Even so it had made them stronger. He was
there to tell them that it was a big mistake to regard non-violence as a wea-
pon of the weak or to adopt it as such. If the Khudai Khidmatgars fell into
that mistake, it would be a tragedy.
If you give up the sword at Badshah Khan’s word, but re-
tain it in your hearts, your non-violence will be a short-lived
thing — not even a nine days’ wonder. After a few years you
will want to revert to it but, maybe, you will then find that
you have got out of the habit and are lost to both the ideals.
Nothing will, in that event, remain to you but vain regret.
What I want of you is a unique thing, i. e., that you will disdain
to use the sword although you have got the capacity and there
is no doubt as to victory. Even if the opponent is armed with
a broken sword, you will oppose your neck to it. And this, not
with anger or retaliation in your hearts but only love. If
you have really understood non-violence in this sense, you will
^ Gandhiji left Bannu on October 26.
58
TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS 59
never want to use the sword because you will have got some-
thing infinitely superior in its place.
You will ask, ‘How will all this have any effect on the Bri-
tish Government?’ My reply is that by uniting all the people
of India in a common bond of love through our selfless service,
we can transform the atmosphere in the country so that the
Britisher will not be able to resist it. You will say that the
Britisher is impervious to love. My thirty years’ unbroken exper-
ience is to the contrary. Today 17,000 Englishmen can rule
over three hundred millions of Indians because we are under a
spell of fear. If we learn to love one another, if the gulf bet-
ween Hindu and Muslim, caste and outcaste, and rich and poor,
is obliterated, a handful of English would not dare to continue
their rule over us.
Just as there are laws of armed warfare, there are laws of
non-violent warfare too. They have not been fully discovered.
Under violence you punish the evil-doer, in non-violence you
pity him, and regard him as a patient to be cured by your
love.
What must you do then to drive out the British by the
non-violent method? If you want to adopt the method of vio-
lence, you have to learn to drill and to become adept in the use
of arms. In Europe and America even women and children are
given that training. Similarly those who have adopted the wea-
pon of non-violence have to put themselves through a vigorous
discipline in non-violence.
And with that he came to the constructive programme and its place in
the scheme of non-violence as a dynamic force. He had placed the pro-
gramme of non-violence before the country in 1920, he explained. It
was divided into two parts, non-co-operation and constructive programme. The
latter included establishment of communal unity, abolition of untouchability,
prohibition, complete eradication of the drink and drug evil and propa-
gation of khadi, hand-spinning, hand-weaving and other cottage industries.
But all these things had to be taken up not as a political expediency but
as an integral part of the programme of non-violence. This last made
all the difference. For instance, Hindu-Muslim unity regarded as an expe-
dient was one thing and quite another when adopted as an integral part of
non-violence.
The former, by its very nature, cannot be lasting. It will
be discarded as soon as the political exigency that suggested it
is over. It may even be a stratagem or a ruse. When it is
taken up as a part of the programme of non-violence it will have
60
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
nothing but love at its root and will be sealed with one’s heart’s
blood.
In the same way the charkha or the spinning-wheel had to
be linked to non-violence.
Today there are millions of unemployed destitute in India.
One way to deal with them is to allow them to die off so that,
as in South Africa, there might be more per capita land for the
survivors. That would be the way of violence. The other way,
the way of non-violence, is based on the principle of ‘even unto
this last’. It requires us to have equal regard for the least of
God’s creation. A votary of this path will deny to himself what
cannot be shared with the least. That applies even to those who
labour with their hands — the relatively better off among the labour-
ing class must seek to align themselves with the less fortunate.
It was this line of thinking, said Gandhiji, which had led to the dis-
covery of the charkha on his part.
I had not even seen a charkha when I first advocated its
use. In fact I called it a handloom in Hind Swaraj, not know-
ing a spinning-wheel from a handloom. I had before my mind’s
eye the poor, landless labourer without employment or means of
subsistence, crushed under the weight of poverty. How could
I save him — that was my problem. Even now while I am sit-
ting with you in these comfortable surroundings, my heart is
with the poor and the oppressed in their humble cottages. I
would feel more at home in their midst. If I allowed myself
to succumb to the love of ease and comfort, it would be my
undoing as a votary of ahimsa. What is it then that can provide
a living link between me and the poor ? The answer is the char-
kha. No matter what one’s occupation or rank in life is, the
charkha, taken with all that it signifies, will provide the golden
bridge to unite him to the poor. For instance, if I am a doctor,
while I draw the sacrificial thread it will make me think how
I can assuage the suffering of the destitute instead of the royalty
in rich palaces with the prospect of fat fees. The charkha is
not my invention. It was there before. My discovery consisted
in linking it to the programme of non-violence and independence.
God whispered into my ear: ‘If you want to work through
non-violence, you have to proceed with small things, not big.’
If we had worked the fourfold constructive programme in its
completeness during the last twenty years as I had envisaged it,
we should have been our masters today. No foreign power would
have dared to cast its evil eye upon us. No enemy from outside
STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
61
would have dared to come and do us harm if there had been
none within. Even if one had come we would have assimilated
him to ourselves and he would not have been able to exploit us.
It is this type of non-violence that I want you to attain.
I expect you to be twenty-four-carat gold, nothing less. Of
course, you can deceive me. If you do that, I shall blame my-
self only. But if you are sincere, you have to prove by your ac-
tion that nobody need be afraid of a Red Shirt or know fear
while there is a Red Shirt alive.
A Pilgrimage for Peace, pp. 97-101
60. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
October 26, 1938
I tender my congratulations to His Highness, Her Highness
and the Dewan for the general amnesty granted to civil disobe-
dience prisoners in Travancore on the Maharaja’s birthday. It is
to be hoped that in order to make the amnesty fruitful and peace
permanent it will be followed up by the appointment of a com-
mittee of inquiry into past events and another into the nature
of responsible government to be granted under the aegis of the
Maharaja.
There remain still allegations against the Dewan. I would
repeat my suggestion for withdrawal. Withdrawal need not
mean disbelief in their truth hy the authorities. They should
withdraw in the higher interest. The case for responsible gov-
ernment must not be mixed up with the allegations which pale
into insignificance compared to the question of the transference
of power into the hands of the people.
Harijan, 29-10-1938
61. SPEECH AT LAKKT
October 26, 1938
I am here to tell you, with fifty years’ experience of non-
violence at my back, that it is an infinitely superior power as
compared to brute force. An armed soldier relies on his wea-
pons for his strength. Take away from him his weapons — his gun
or his sword, and he generally becomes helpless. But a person
who has truly realized the principle of non-violence has the God-
given strength for his weapon and the world has not known any-
thing that can match it. Man may, in a moment of unaware-
ness forget God, but He keeps watch over him and protects
him always. If the Khudai Khidmatgars have understood this
secret, if they have realized that non-violence is the greatest
power on earth, well and good; otherwise it would be better
for Khan Saheb to restore to them their weapons which they
have discarded at his instance. They will then be at least brave
after the manner of the world that has today made the worship
of brute force its cult. But if they discard their old weapons
and at the same time remain strangers to the power of non-
violence, it would be a tragedy for which I for one am not and,
so far as I know, Khan Saheb too is not prepared.
Harijan, 19-11-1938
62. A DENIAL
With reference to my note headed ‘Seven Gomplaints’^
Shri Brijlal Biyani writes:
In the issue of Harijan dated 15th October there is something which
concerns me in your article headed ‘Seven Complaints’. The complaint
is that I was taken in procession with music past a mosque during
Jumma Prayers.
Such a complaint was made directly to me and I issued a state-
ment on October 12, a copy of which I am herewith enclosing.
The procession passed the mosque when the prayers were over.
Kazi Saheb Saiyad Mohammad Ali who led the prayers agrees that the
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— V”
2 Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 410-1.
62
TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
63
prayers were over and that he was in some shop while the procession
passed.
In his Press statement I notice the following very relevant
sentence:
I am one of those who religiously believe in tolerance and respect for
all religions and who believe in Hindu-Muslim unity for the attainment
of Swaraj in India.
Lakki, Marwat, October 27, 1938
Harijan, 5- 11-1938
63. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Lakki, Marwat,
October 27, 1938
MY DEAR idiot.
One letter I posted today to catch the local post. This is
for tomorrow and to send you letter from Junagadh. After
you have seen it, please send it to Narandas — have sent a sweet
letter in Gujarati to the Dewanh You will of course write.
This I am writing in the midst of the Khudai Khidmatgars
to whom I shall presently speak. They are coming in.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
I am sending the cheque to N.^
From the original: C.W. 3886. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7042
64. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS^
Lakki,
[October 27, 1938^
The principles on which a non-violent organization is based
are different from and the reverse of what obtains in a violent
organization. For instance, in the orthodox army, there is a
’ Dewan of Junagadh; vide “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, p. 67.
^ Narandas
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— V”
^ Vide the preceding item.
64
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
clear distinction made between an officer and a private. The
latter is subordinate and inferior to the former. In a non-violent
army the general is just the chief servant — first among equals.
He claims no privilege over or superiority to the rank and file.
You have fondly given the title ‘Badshah Khan’ to Khan Saheb.
But if in his heart of hearts he actually began to believe that he
could behave like an ordinary general, it would spell his downfall
and bring his power to an end. He is Badshah in the sense only
that he is the truest and foremost Khudai Khidmatgar and excels
all other Khudai Khidmatgars in the quality and quantity of
service.
The second difference between a military organization and a
peace organization is that in the former the rank and file have
no part in the choice of their general and other officers. These
are imposed upon them and enjoy unrestricted power over
them. In a non-violent army, the general and the officers are
elected or are as if elected when their authority is moral and
rests solely on the willing obedience of the rank and file.
So much for internal relations between the general of a non-
violent army and his soldiers. Coming to their relations with
the outside world, the same sort of difference is visible between
these two kinds of organizations. Just now we had to deal with
an enormous crowd that had gathered outside this room. You
tried to disperse it by persuasion and loving argument, not by
using force and, when in the end we failed in our attempt, we
withdrew and sought relief from it by getting behind closed
doors in this room. Military discipline knows nothing of moral
pressure.
Let me proceed a step further. The people who are crowding
outside here are all our friends though they are not Khudai
Khidmatgars. They are eager to listen to what we may tell
them. Even their indiscipline is a manifestation of their love.
But there may be others besides them elsewhere who may not
be well disposed towards us, who may even be hostile to us. In
armed organizations, the only recognized way of dealing with
such persons is to drive them out. Here, to consider the op-
ponent, or, for the matter of that, anybody, even in thought, as
your enemy would, in the parlance of non-violence or love, be
called a sin. Far from seeking revenge, a votary of non-violence
would pray to God that He might bring about a change of
heart of his opponent, and if that does not happen he would be
prepared to bear any injury that his opponent might inflict upon
him, not in a spirit of cowardice or helplessness, but bravely with
LETTER TO MIRABEHN
65
a smile upon his face. I believe implicitly in the ancient saying
that “non-violence real and complete will melt the stoniest hearts.”
He illustrated his remarks by describing how Mir Alam Khan, his
Pathan assailant in South Africa, had ultimately repented and become
friendly.^
This could not have happened if I had retaliated. My
action can be fitly described as a process of conversion. Unless
you have felt within you this urge to convert your enemy by
your love, you had better retrace your steps; this business of
non-violence is not for you.
‘What about thieves, dacoits and spoilers of defenceless
women?’ you will ask. Must a Khudai Khidmatgar main-
tain his non-violence in regard to them too? My reply is,
most decidedly ‘Yes’. Punishment is God’s, Who alone is the
infallible Judge. It does not belong to man “with judgment
weak”. Renunciation of violence must not mean apathy or
helplessness in the face of wrongdoing. If our non-violence is
genuine and rooted in love, it ought to provide a more effective
remedy against wrongdoing than the use of brute force. I cert-
ainly expect you to trace out the dacoits, show them the error
of their ways and, in so doing, brave even death.
Harijan, 19-11-1938
65. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Touring,
October 27, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
I have all your letters I think. Sushila has discussed with
me your proposal about avoiding typhoid. She says there is
no difference between Nayakum’s well and ours. She says the
only safety lies in using only boiled water not merely for drink-
ing but also for washing pots from which we eat and drink and
uncooked fruits which [we] handle and eat. She thinks we
ought to be able to ensure a proper supply of fool-proof boiled
water. But when we meet we shall discuss all the suggestions
you have made. Williams did send all the plans. But I came
to the conclusion that it was beyond us. In my opinion we
must revert to my original plan. We must use buckets and turn
night-soil into manure in some distant spot. Even so where we
> Vide Vol. XXIX, p. 165.
68-5
66
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
have water rising to the surface there is no absolute safety. I
am writing this in the midst of a meeting. So no more.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6410. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10005
66. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
October 27, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I got your letter yesterday as we were leaving Bannu.
Why do you think that you are away from me? How do you
know that you are not coming nearer? A wall separates two
guests in a hotel. Who can say whether you are separated
from me only by the thickness of nine to twelve inches of a
wall or by a distance of miles and miles? And are there not
people who feel near enough even though they may be separated
by a distance of miles ? This much is certain, however, that you
will be so well restored through rest that you will get energy
for more work. A still greater benefit will be that your life will
become regular in every particular. Observe the hours of food
and rest with as religious a strictness as you do the hours of
prayers. Is not eating also for the sake of yajna only? In any
case, it should be so. If you forget one yajna, you forget all.
As long as you like being there, you must stay on. My returning
to Wardha must not concern you in any way just now. The
solitude and comfort and good company that you are enjoying
there, you will not be able to enjoy elsewhere. So stay there
or at Jullundur. If Rajkumari feels that you are overstaying or
if she has to go away somewhere else and therefore you cannot
stay there, it will be a different matter. My blood-pressure
yesterday evening was 136/84. Whose is better — yours or mine?
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
The name of the place where we are today is Gathari or
something like that. At 1 we start for Dera Ismail Khan.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11669
67. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
On Tour,
October 27, 1938
CHI. NARANDAS,
The enclosed cheque for Rs. 750 is from the Junagadh
Durbar. It was received on the occasion of the anniversary cele-
bration. You may spend the money in the manner we have
decided. He will give Rs. 750 more for the local Harijan
committee. I have sent a letter* to this effect to Rajkumari.
She will forward the cheque to you. You need not send any
acknowledgment. But write to me of course.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8553. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi
68. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI
Dera Ismail Khan,
October 27, 1938
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,
I have gone through your note on the murder, etc., in
Gunda. It has produced no effect on me. It is not enough
to assert that the murder was not the result of a private feud.
Did Savji take part in politics? Had he attracted anybody’s
attention? Has there been a regular practice in Rajkot of
beating up people in this manner? You should get — there should
be — some evidence showing that the State authorities had some
connection direct or indirect with the murder. You cannot jump
to a conclusion on the basis of mere suspicion. The people will
believe anything you say, but you should try and get evidence
which would compel even opponents to believe the charge.
Mere inference will not help. It also does not seem right to say
that none of the culprits can be traced. And even if that is
* Vide p. 63.
67
68 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
true, it does not warrant the conclusion that the State authorities
had a hand in the murder. If, despite all efforts, the culprits
cannot be traced, an inquiry should be held into the circumstan-
ces of the murder and the results should be placed before the
public. Your beginning is almost hair-raising, but as one pro-
ceeds further one feels that this must be one of those incidents
which are all too frequent in the world. But all this is only for
your benefit. As for the world, it will go on as it has always done.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 5546
69. LETTER TO M. R. MASAJVI
Dera Ismail Khan,
October 27, 1938
BHAI MASANI,
I was pained to read your reply to my article. You seem
to say that socialists believe in khadi, in prohibition and in
non-violence and that the Committee has no evidence of speeches
inciting to violence having been made. I have talked not with
one socialist but with many of them. I have read their writings
and their speeches. They have not . . .* non-violence, have
ridiculed khadi and said that prohibition is only a waste of money.
As for the evidence of the use of force, I get it almost daily.
This being the case, how can I change my opinion?
I have sent to Father the foreword^ to Dadabhai JVaoroji.
Vandemataram from
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4130. Also C.W. 4888. Courtesy:
M. R. Masani
* Not clear in the source
2 Vide pp. 25-6.
70. MONSTROUS IF TRUE
A correspondent writes:
Here in Nasik there is a Police Training School. Police officers are
made in this school. They are expected to have their meals in a com-
mon mess and they are obliged to partake of fleshmeat and wines. Let
alone meat-eating, how far is it consistent with the prohibition policy of
the Government to train its police officers in wine-drinking? These
officers may well be required to take part in the prohibition drive. Perhaps
you do not even know that meat-eating and wine-drinking is compulsory
in this school.
I must confess my ignorance of the compulsion. It is
only the assurance with which my correspondent writes that
has induced me to publish the letter. If the information is
true, it is surely monstrous that meat-eating and wine-drinking
should be considered a necessary part of a police officer’s train-
ing. This rule excludes vegetarians and non-drinkers from train-
ing as police officers. The rule is a grave injustice in a country
in which tens of thousands are vegetarians by religion. I can
only hope that the information is incorrect and that if it is true,
the glaring wrong will be redressed without delay.
Dera Ismail Khan, October 28, 1938
Harijan, 5-11-1938
71. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Dera,
October 28, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is merely to tell you this is a lazy day for me in
one way and a very busy day in another way.
Did you ever receive my letter in which I asked you to
send me some khadi sheets? Whether you did and forgot to
send, or whether you never got it, pray do not send any now,
as Chandrashanker has sent four pads. They will see me through.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3645. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6454
69
72. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
October 28, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
Yesterday’s letter was written in a village. This is from
Dera where we are for full three days. I got your draft letter
to E.' here. It is also good but for the last paragraph. The
last para shows mental fatigue. You will see it is disconnected
and wholly unnecessary. It will be insulting for England well
armed to honour a little nation for her throwing away arms.
If Czechs could do the thing, the nations of the earth including
Germany will be awe-struck.
You must attend to your eyes at once. You have the right
helper in Kri[shna]chandra.
I have no recollection of having authorized tube well.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6411. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10006
73. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAL
Dera,
October 28, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
1 am sending the accompanying letter, which you may like
to read. Don’t worry about it after reading it. I have even sent
a brief note^ on the Nasik School. They have spared me
today and tomorrow for Harijan work. With Khan Saheb in
command, no one is permitted to come and disturb me. And
moreover I am observing silence. Hence I am in an ideal
place here, just as you are there. We tour in a lorry. It con-
’ Presumably Emil Hacha, who had succeeded Benes as President of
Czechoslovakia, on November 30, after the latter had resigned on October 5
and left the country
2 Vide “Monstrous If True”, p. 69.
70
LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
71
tains a bed for me. Khan Saheb does not crowd the lorry with
too many people. Tell Rajkumari whatever of this you think
may interest her.
Tell Bablo to write sometimes to me even under a false pre-
text. What does he think regarding himself ?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11670
74. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Dera Ismail Khan,
October 28, 1938
CHI. MANI,
You have been forced to write to me after many years.
The letter is full of news indeed. Continue to write in the same
way. Assuming the report about the Nasik Police School to be
true, I have written a note on it. Also talk to Kher* or MunshP
if you happen to meet them.
If the officials there do not work sincerely for enforcing prohi-
bition, the Ministers should protest to the Governor in strong
language. But they must be convinced that the officials do not
have the heart in the work.
About lands, I had written even before I received Vallabh-
bhai’s letter. Send me a report of the debate on the subject
in the Assembly.
1 have not said that no steps can be taken against porno-
graphic literature. I did give my opinion. Of course, I am
afraid that people have come to like obscene literature and it
cannot, therefore, be easily stopped. It will stop only when
learned men themselves are disgusted with such literature. I
do believe that pornographic writings should be stopped by law
if it can be done. But please remember that there is a great
difference between forcing students to read such things and the
publication of obscene writing in newspapers.
What is happening in Rajkot is wonderful. If the tempo
is kept up, there is no doubt that the people will get what they
want. Father has done the correct thing in regard to Travancore.
There was no harm in his having called Ramachandran. Before
* B. G. Kher, Premier of Bombay
2 K. M. Munshi, Home Minister of Bombay
72
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Father’s letter arrived, however, I had already issued my state-
ment*. I feel that it was necessary to issue one. Now there is
no immediate need to go to Travancore.
The constant flow of mucus from the nose into the throat
is not at all good. It must be stopped.
I understand about Baroda. Let me know what happens
in Bhadran.
I hope to reach Wardha about the 15th. The tour here
will be over by the 9th.
What is happening regarding Subhas Babu is not out of my
mind. That is why I discussed it in the Working Committee.
But Father was of the view that we should wait till Jawaharlal’s
arrival, so I kept silent. There is bound to be some difficulty
this time in electing the President. Let Father think over the
suggestion^ I have made in Harijan. I am of the view that letting
the present state of affairs continue will be harmful.
I have now replied to both your letters. Show this to
Father when he has some free time.
I keep really excellent health. Father should visit this Pro-
vince, in Maulana’s company.
Blessings from
Bapu
Manibehn Patel
P uRUSHOTTAM BuiLDING
Opp. Opera House, Bombay
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro~4: Manibehn Patelne, pp. 119-21
75. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PATEL
October 28, 1938
CHI. VIJAYA,
1 got your three letters together — one addressed at Delhi,
one from Segaon and the third directly.
It is very good indeed that you have gone there. ^ Congratu-
lations on your health having improved. I feel now you are your
normal self. So why should I worry?
* Vide p. 6 1 .
2 Vide Vol. LXVII, “That Unfortunate Walk-out”, pp. 401-2.
2 The addressee was at this time in Gram Dakshinamurti, a rural
education centre near a village Ambla in Bhavnagar district of Saurashtra.
SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, DERA ISMAIL KHAN
73
I am doing very well indeed. The climate suits me. The
cold is such as I can bear. Mahadev is flourishing in Simla.
You must be getting the news about the sickness at Segaon.
How is Nanabhai? How are you getting on there? What work
are you doing?
We shall arrive at Segaon about the 15th.
Blessings to you both from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7101. Also C.W. 4593. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
76. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
October 28, 1938
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
It is good that you have started helping Mirabehn. She has
her faults; but she is very devout and you will reap rich bene-
fit from all your service. You will learn from her pure and practi-
cal lessons in brahmacharya.
I have already written to you about other matters.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4307
77. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, DERA ISMAIL KHAN^
October 28, 1938
I thank you for the purse which you have presented but
you should know that Daridramrayana, whose representative I claim
to be, is not so easily satisfied. My business is with the crores
of semi-starved masses, who need relief sorely. We have to
tackle through khadi the question of a huge annual drain from
India for cotton purchase. Through khadi the A. I. S. A. has al-
ready distributed over four crores of rupees as wages among the
needy, poor, Hindu and Mussalman spinners and weavers. Then
there is the question of Harijan uplift — an equally Herculean
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— V”. A purse
of Rs. 5,753 was presented to Gandhiji. He rebuked the people for such a
meagre sum as Rs. 5,000 of the total amount was a single donation.
74
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
task. Your donation ought to be commensurate with the magnitude
of the task for which it is intended. Yours is not a poor city.
The donors are mostly merchants. Surely, you could have done
better.
Referring next to the Khudai Khidmatgars and to the strained relations
between them and the local volunteers which he had noticed, he proceeded:
These differences are unfortunate. If, however, Khudai Khid-
matgars live up to their creed as they have now understood it,
the differences and quarrels will be things of the past. They
are on their trial. If they come out victorious they will be in-
strumental in bringing about communal unity and establishing
Swaraj. I know, to banish anger altogether from one’s breast
is a difficult task. It cannot be achieved through pure, per-
sonal effort. It can be done only by God’s grace. I ask you all
to join me in the prayer that God might enable the Khudai
Khidmatgars to conquer the last traces of anger and violence
that might still be lurking in their breasts.
Harijan, 19-11-1938
78. THE PEOPLE'S EDUCATION MOVEMENT
When Dr. Hengchih Tao visited me some time ago I invi-
ted him to give me a note on the remarkable People’s Education
Movement going on in China. He has now sent the following
instructive note* which cannot but be useful to us in India.
Harijan, 29-10-1938
79. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Dera,
October 29, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Though you both say you don’t expect me to write daily,
you do expect to hear from me ! !
I say nothing about myself because I have never kept bet-
ter. The weather, food and peace have combined to bring about
the results. I have nobody to quarrel with except Amtussalaam.
But my silence is an effective check on that too.
* Not reproduced here
LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM GANDHI
75
There was an interruption after I had written the foregoing
lines. And when I write with the left hand, everything moves
slow, the brain included. It is a good thing.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3646. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6455
80. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Dera,
October 29, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
The right hand needs some rest. The accompanying is for
your information. If you wish, you may write a few lines to
Dorothy.
Have you heard about Bhansali and Rajendra having had
typhoid in Segaon? Does anyone in Segaon write to you di-
rectly? Bhansali is quite well now. Rajendra is still having
fever.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11672
81. LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM GANDHI
October 29, 1938
CHI. PURUSHOTTAM,
I got your letter. You have my blessings, of course, for the
New Year’s Day and for the whole year.
I was certainly pained when I heard about your desire to
give up public service. But I consoled myself with the thought
that you would do nothing without thinking. What guidance
can I give you? Don’t do anything through false shame or under
pressure from anybody. Do only as much as the strength of
your heart permits. There is no sin at all in giving up public
service and working for money. Doing service is not something
that everybody can digest. If we eat anything that causes indi-
gestion, it cannot but result in disease. It would be much better,
instead, to eat only what one can digest.
76
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It is good indeed that for the present you are staying
on. Maybe, by and by, your economic condition will cease to
trouble you. Please remember that it is good to live in poverty.
Poverty shapes a man’s character. In plenty one does not
know at all where one is going. Moreover, most of the world
lives in poverty. We see very few living in plenty. I have
never envied such people. Sometimes I pity them.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II
82. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Dera,
October 30, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
It is nearing 8 p. m. — my time for walking out.
The last of three deputations has just left me.
What did I say about S.’s prescription for Durga?
You are right. If I gave up Segaon altogether, it would
be unjust to Aryanayakum. But I am not giving up Segaon.
If all goes well, part of the year I must spend there. Let us
see. Heaven’s Light my Guide.
I am well.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
Do you remember where you left Ku’s book which I gave
you for revision?
From the original: C.W. 3887. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7043
83. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
Dera,
October 30, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
Your complaint is just. I have taken up too much on my
shoulders. The more correct statement is I have been over-
whelmed. And so what could stand by naturally got neglected.
I now send you my drafts which I hope you will be able to deci-
pher without difficulty. Before making it final please show it
to Shankerlal and Jajujee. Your book I gave to R. K. in des-
pair.^ I have written to her.
How are you all doing ?
I expect to leave Peshawar on 10th.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10136
84. INTERPRETATION OE MEMBERS PLEDGE
[October 30, 193 8Y
The pledge was purposely drawn as it is of a general cha-
racter. It is a gentleman’s pledge, each member being put
upon his or her honour as to the interpretation of the expres-
sion ‘the best part of my energy and talents to the furtherance
of its object which is the all-round welfare of the villagers of
India’.
Members are also pledged not only to work for the fur-
therance of the object but also ‘to strive to live up to the ideals’
and ‘prefer the use of village manufactures to any other’.
Recommending members of the Board will therefore see to
it that the candidate for membership has, in everything he does,
the welfare of the villagers at heart. It follows that such a per-
son will give to village work at least some time every day not
* Vide the following item.
^ Vide the preceding item.
3 Vide the preceding item.
77
78
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
necessarily in villages but may be for villages. Thus a member
living in a city, who on a particular day sells to or induces a per-
son to buy village manufactures, has done some village work
for that day.
The member recommending will also see to it that the
candidate wherever possible uses articles of village manufac-
ture, e. g., khadi in the place of mill-cloth, village earthen pots
instead of factory-made china, reed-pen instead of steel-pen, hand-
made paper instead of ordinary paper, wholesome babul or
neem or such other tooth-brush instead of the very insanitary
and injurious tooth-brush, leather goods made in villages out
of village-flayed cattle instead [of] tanned hide, the ordinary
village gur instead of factory sugar, hand-pounded whole rice in-
stead of mill-polished rice, etc.
For Ku
The Board would draw the attention of agents, workers and
the public to the importance of dead cattle hide as an article of trade
and village manufacture. Workers are advised to study in their
own areas the method of disposal of the dead cattle and its
preparation from flaying to tanning and report to the Board their
observations. Public are invited to prefer the use of only such lea-
ther goods as are prepared in the villages.
Things to Remember
Agent’s appointment of Hardhyansingh, Delhi. Accurate de-
scription of the areas of work of members of Board and agents.
From a photostat: G.N. 10137 and 10138
85. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Dera,
October 30, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I think you will like to see the accompanying letter.
Today the tour started at 12 and we returned at 4. We
visited a village called Kulachi. Tomorrow we are going to Tank.
Even now there is no cold in the air at all. We sleep in the
open.
We leave for Segaon on the 10th.
Blessings from
Bapu
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
79
[PS.]
Does Brijkrishna write to you regularly?
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11673
86. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
October 31, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is just when we are ready to start.
What is the difference between radio news and the paper
news? Both are equally unreliable. My health has suffered no
set-back. I am inclined to think that I can flourish even in mid-
winter. But I may be over-enthusiastic. The rest from Mahadev.
Love.
Warrior
Alias Tyrant
Alias Robber
What Next?
From the original: C.W. 3647. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6456
87. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
October 31, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I have told Brijkrishna to write to you every day. He
alone knows how much love and interest he pours in what he
writes.
I cannot give you quite definitely the date of our departure.
We are trying to leave on the 9th from Kambalpur or Rawal-
pindi or Taxila. You should reach Delhi latest by the 10th. It
will be better if you can reach on the 9th.
I will not let you stay in Wardha just now. I like the
idea of a sea voyage, with Durga and Babla accompanying you,
unless Durga likes and wants to stay at Bulsar. I should like
you to make a trip as far as Singapore. You may even spend
a few days in Singapore. You should resume work on January
20 at the earliest. If you wish to write anything in the mean
while, you may do so. I have no fear at all of your time being
wasted anywhere. And you will return to work a fitter
man.
80
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I am allowing your notes to go as they are. Ask back
the article about Massingham. It is very fine indeed. It is
poetry, but it is not for Harijan. Moreover, though there is poetry
in it, it contains nothing of value to learn from our point of view.
Is there anything common between their villages and our villages ?
Even at the time when those villages were formed, the people
there were armed pirates and freebooters. The villages were
signs of this fact. Our villages are so many dung-hills. The king
took interest in them only for the purpose of robbing them.
The Vaishyas only gathered money. The Shudras and Atishudras
slaved. Your article, therefore, can provide us no inspiration.
Would it not be sheer ignorance for any superficial observer to
see poetry in our villages? And if you take out extracts from
the Vedas and place them beside extracts from modern English, we
would have to hang our heads in shame. Elaborate this criti-
cism of mine further and understand my point. If there is any
error in my view, let me know. I read the article today at
three in the morning. But you may send it to Modern Review
or the Hindustan Times if you wish.
We have to march out immediately. I am writing this
while eating. I am eating fruit with a fork.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11674
88. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, TANK'
October 31, 1938
They^ feel that the existence of a microscopic Hindu minority
in the midst of the predominantly Mussalman population in this
area can be rendered possible only if the latter will be as true
hamsayas — neighbours — to them and they have asked me to
appeal to Khudai Khidmatgars to fulfil their natural role in res-
pect of them. I entirely endorse their feeling and their appeal
and I am convinced that it is within your power to set them at
their ease if you will but fulfil the expectations you have raised
in me. As I observed on a previous occasion, the Hindus, the
Mussulmans and the Englishmen in this province are being
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— V”
^ The Hindus, who had met Gandhiji in deputation and complained
about the state of general insecurity in which they had to live
TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS
81
weighed in the balance. History will record its verdict about
the Englishmen’s deeds. But Hindus and Mussalmans can write
their own history by being correct in their mutual dealings. For
the Khudai Khidmatgars their course of action has been deter-
mined. They have to become a living wall of protection to their
neighbours.
A small body of determined spirits fired by an unquench-
able faith in their mission can alter the course of history. It has
happened before and it may again happen if the non-violence of
Khudai Khidmatgars is unalloyed gold, not mere glittering tinsel.
Harijan, 19-11-1938
89. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS^
Tank,
October 31, 1938
If in your heart of hearts there is the slightest inclination
to regard your non-violence as a mere cloak or a stepping-stone
to greater violence as suggested by this friend^, nay, unless
you are prepared to carry your non-violence to its ultimate logical
conclusion and to pray for forgiveness even for a baby-killer and
a child-murderer, you cannot sign your Khudai Khidmatgar’s
pledge of non-violence. To sign that pledge with mental reser-
vations would only bring disgrace upon you, your organization
and hurt him whom you delight to call the Pride of Afghans.
But what about the classical instance of the defenceless sister
or mother who is threatened with molestation by an evil-minded
rufhan, you will ask. Is the ruffian in question to be allowed to
work his will ? Would not the use of violence be permissible even
in such a case? My reply is ‘no’. You will entreat the ruffian.
The odds are that in his intoxication he will not listen. But then
you will interpose yourself between the intended victim and
him. Very probably you will be killed but you will have done
your duty. Ten to one, killing you unarmed and unresisting will
assuage the assailant’s passion and he will leave his victim un-
molested. But it has been said to me that tyrants do not act
as we want or expect them to. Finding you unresisting he may
tie you to a post and make you watch his rape of the victim.
If you have the will you will so exert yourself that you will
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— V”
^ The reference is to a Pathan’s question quoted by Gandhiji in his
article “Khudai Khidmatgars and Badshah Khan”; vide pp. 115-9.
68-6
82 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
break yourself in the attempt or break the bonds. In either
case, you will open the eyes of the wrongdoer. Your armed
resistance could do no more, while if you were worsted, the
position would likely be much worse than if you died unresisting.
There is also the chance of the intended victim copying your
calm courage and immolating herself rather than allowing herself
to be dishonoured.
Harijan, 19-11-1938
90. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS'
October 31, 1938
It has touched me deeply and also humbled me to find that
at a time when, owing to the Ramzan fast, not a kitchen fire was
lit in the whole of this village of Mussalman homes, food had to
be cooked for us in this place. I am past the stage when I could
fast with you as I did in South Africa to teach the Mussalman
boys who were under my care to keep the Ramzan fast. I had
also to consider the feelings of Khan Saheb who has made my
physical well-being his day-and-night concern and who would have
felt embarrassed if I had fasted. I can only ask your pardon.
Harijan, 26-11-1938
91. LETTER TO AGATHA HARRISON
November 1, 1938
MY DEAR AGATHA,
I hope you had a comfortable voyage.
On second thoughts I decided to stop you from coming
here. During the last days of the tour I could have given you
not a moment and Khan Saheb would not be available to you
during that period. You will have seen all you could wish
of Bombay during these few days.
More when we meet.
Love.
Bapu
Peshawar which we reach this evening.
From a photostat: G.N. 1505
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VI”. Gandhiji
gave the talk in a small village near Dera Ismail Khan.
92. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS^
Paniala,
{^November 1, 1938Y
I have now had the assurance from your own lips of what
I had from Khan Saheb already. You have adopted non-
violence not merely as a temporary expedient but as a creed for
good. Therefore, mere renunciation of the sword, if there is
sword in your heart, will not carry you far. Your renunciation
of the sword cannot be said to be genuine unless it generates
in your hearts a power the opposite of that of the sword and
superior to it. Hitherto revenge or retaliation has been held
amongst you as a sacred obligation. If you have a feud with
anybody, that man becomes your enemy for all time and the
feud is handed down from father to son. In non-violence even if
somebody regards you as his enemy you may not so regard
him in return, and of course there can be no question of revenge.
Who could be more cruel or blood-thirsty than the late Gen.
Dyer? Yet the Jallianwala Bagh Congress Inquiry Committee,
on my advice, had refused to ask for his prosecution. I had
no trace of ill will against him in my heart. I would have also
liked to meet him personally and reach his heart, but that was
to remain a mere aspiration.
At the end of his talk he was presented a poser by one of the
Khudai Khidmatgars who had followed his address closely: “You expect
us to protect the Hindus against the raiders and yet you tell us that we
may not employ our weapons even against thieves and dacoits. How can
the two go together?” Gandhiji replied:
The contradiction is only apparent. If you have really as-
similated the non-violent spirit, you won’t wait for the raiders to
appear on the scene, but will seek them out in their own terri-
tory and prevent the raids from taking place. If even then a
raid does take place, you will face the raiders and tell them that
they can take away all your belongings but they shall touch the
property of your Hindu neighbours only over your dead body.
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VI”
^According to Gandhi — 1915-1948 : A Detailed Chronology, Gandhiji was at
Paniala on this date.
83
84
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
And if there are hundreds of Khudai Khidmatgars ready to
protect the Hindu hamsayas with their lives, the raiders will cer-
tainly think better of butchering in cold blood all the innocent
and inoffensive Khudai Khidmatgars who are non-violently
pitched against them. You know the story of Abdul Quadir Jilani
and his forty gold mohurs with which his mother had sent him
to Baghdad. On the way the caravan was waylaid by robbers
who proceeded to strip Abdul Quadir’s companions of all their
belongings. Thereupon Abdul Quadir, who so far happened to
be untouched, shouted out to the raiders and offered them the
forty gold mohurs which his mother had sewn into the lining
of his tunic. The legend goes that the raiders were so struck by
the simple naivete of the boy, as the saint then was, that they
not only let him go untouched but returned to his companions
all their belongings.
Harijan, 26-11-1938
93. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
November 2, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
All being well we reach there^ on 11th including Mahadev.
These illnesses have made me impatient to reach you.
Your second letter to Dr. B.^ was quite good.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 3612. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10007
94. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Ahmadbandh,
November 2, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I got your letter. The other mail must be waiting in Pesha-
war. We shall reach there at 5. We shall start from there not
on the 6th but on the 5 th, and instead of returning here, we shall
’ Segaon
^ Dr. Benes
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
85
take a train on the 9th from some station on the way. So we
are definitely reaching Delhi on the 10th. We don’t intend to
break journey at Delhi. We shall, therefore, reach Wardha on
the 11th. The illnesses at Segaon have set me thinking. I feel
that as long as the water there does not improve, the place
should be abandoned and only as many people as are abso-
lutely necessary should be retained and the rest asked to go.
But why should I make you worry about it now?
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Bandh is a small village.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11675
95. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
November 2, 1938
BA,
Only nine days remain now, and God willing, we shall
meet. We shall leave for Segaon the same day. I forgot to
reply to one remark in your letter. You said that while leaving
I did not even put my hand on your head. As the motor start-
ed I also felt that, but you were away from me. Do you require
outward signs? Why do you believe that because I do not show
my love by outward signs, it has dried up? I assure you that
my love has increased and goes on increasing. Not that it was
less before, but what was there is becoming purer day by day. I
do not look upon you merely as a clay doll. What more need
I say? If you also, like . . .' ask for outward signs, I will
comply.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 30
^ Omission as in the source
96. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
November 2, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
As you are an expert in nursing the sick, you have got
such opportunities without seeking them. So far your cases im-
prove and bring you credit. May this be ever so.
It is desirable that Rajbhushan should go home. It is not
proper that he should stay in Segaon at the cost of his health.
But now I shall be returning there soon. I am counting the
days.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10777
97. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH
November 2, 1938
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I feel worried because of the illnesses. I think you, Shakari-
behn, Parnerkar and others should leave Segaon for the present.
It is not right to risk your lives. But I hope to arrive there
on the 11th. Meanwhile think over this. If I can make Segaon
healthy, I would call all of you there. This is a new problem
facing me.
Blessings from
Bapu
I am not writing to Babudi today. I have no time at all.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10594
86
98. LETTER TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR
November 2, 1938
BAPA,
I got your letter. It is desirable that the money sent to you
from here should be spent in this region. I have not been able
to study the matter carefully. You should tour this region.
If you can bear the cold, then come this very month, otherwise
in March next year. It is extremely cold here in December,
January and February. It is said that there are eight lakhs
of Harijans in this Province. I saw your sharp rejoinder to
Ambedkar. But who can wake up a person pretending to sleep ?
Who said that you were old? When you pass away, you
will pass away in full youth. He is old whose mind is old.
Ramdas, for instance, has become an old man in the prime of
youth. He has no zest for anything at all.
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 1179
99. MESSAGE ON OPENING OE KHADI EXHIBITION,
PESHAWAR^
[Before November 3, 1938Y
Do not be misled by names. A piece of Japanese cloth cannot
become swadeshi merely by being labelled ‘Swadeshi’. Only an
article that is wholly manufactured in India by the hands of
millions of villagers and out of raw materials grown in India
deserves the name of swadeshi.
Khadi alone, it will be seen, fully satisfies this test; all other
cloth is a travesty of swadeshi. Just as there can be no dawn with-
out the sun, so there can be no genuine swadeshi without khadi.
Judged by this test, Peshawar is left far behind in the race
for swadeshi. There is only one khadi bhandar here and that too
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Peshawar Khadi Exhibition”
^ The Khadi Exhibition was inaugurated on November 3 but the
message was printed in advance and was circulated among the visitors.
87
88
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
is being run at a loss. I hope that one result of this Exhibition
will be to put the khadi bhandar on a firm footing, and to
preclude the possibility of its having to close down.
Harijan, 10-12-1938
100. SPEECH AT OPENING OE KHADI EXHIBITION,
PESHAWAK
November 3, 1938
Dr. Gopichand has thanked the Ministers for the help that
they are giving to khadi work. But I find that neither all the
Ministers nor all of the Congress M. L. A.s here use khadi as
habitual wear. Some wear it only in the Assembly. Some do
not do even that. This is contrary to both the spirit and the
letter of the Congress constitution. Even the Red Shirts have yet
to become khadi-clad. ... If they all take to khadi, the one
lakh of them will in less than no time make the whole province
khadi-clad. This province is rich in the resources for the manu-
factures of khadi but it comes last in respect of khadi work
actually done.
I would like you all to visit the Exhibition in a spirit of
inquiry and study. Khadi organization work, unlike textile
mill industry, does not require lakhs of capital and highly special-
ized technical skill. Even a layman can take it up. I hope
that this first Khadi Exhibition in the Frontier Province will be
followed by many more in the near future.
Harijan, 10-12-1938
’ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Peshawar Khadi Exhibition”. Among those
present on the occasion were Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Dr. Khan Saheb and a
number of Congress M. L. A.s.
101. KATHIAWAR NOTES
The following notes' were prepared for me by Shri Raj-
kumari Amrit Kaur on finishing her recent tour in Kathiawar
for Harijan and khadi work. The notes are valuable not only
for the workers in Kathiawar, but contain reflections which are
of all-India importance. I hope that workers will profit by the
experiences recorded by the Rajkumari. There is one sugges-
tion she has made, which can be immediately given effect to, if
what she says of the Princes is true, as I think it is. She has
credited the Princes with the opinion that they have no belief
in untouchability and that they will fling open all temples to
Harijans, if their people desired it. Her suggestion, therefore, is
that they need not wait for any expression of opinion on the part
of their people but should build and open temples which are ac-
cessible to all. The Princes can make it a point of visiting only
these temples to the exclusion of those whose gates are barred
against Harijans. And if these temples are built and situated
attractively and are well managed, they will be a powerful aid to
the breaking down of untouchability. It is possible to extend
the principle to all the institutions which, for fear of
wounding orthodox susceptibility, they would not dare to open
to Harijans. This is the line of least resistance. There is
not much meaning in a pious declaration of disbelief in un-
touchability, if the princes cannot or will not take the cautious
step suggested by the Rajkumari.
Peshawar, November 4, 1938
Harijan, 12-11-1938
' Not reproduced here. The notes dealt with the disabilities suffered by
Harijans in the various States visited by the author, such as Rajkot, Vankaner,
Morvi, Jamnagar, Porbandar, Dwarka, Junagadh, Bilkha, Dhani, Amreli,
Lathi, Bhavnagar, Palitana and Wadhwan. The notes also said that khadi
worth Rs. 1,000 was sold during the tour.
89
102. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
November 4, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
You seem to be quite busy nursing Balkrishna. Mahodaya
seems to have been a little negligent.
The cleaning of the village also seems to have made good
progress. Write to Vijaya and tell her that I am hard pressed
for time and so she should not complain about the absence of
letters from me. I hope you are doing well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10778
103. NOTES
Aundh Reforms
I congratulate both the Rajasaheb and the people of Aundh
on the grant of responsible government. This small State has always
been progressive. The ruler of Aundh has but anticipated the wants
of his people and has even been in advance of them in social
matters. The declaration of full responsibility was the natural
result of the past acts of the ruler. I hope that the rights confer-
red by the proclamation will not in any way be whittled down
in drawing up the constitution. I would suggest that the privy
purse should on no account exceed rupees thirty-six thousand.
There should be a definition of fundamental rights, i. e., equality of
all in the eye of the law, abolition of untouchability and liberty
of speech. The last para of the proclamation is appealing. It truly
says that “self-government implies self-control and self-sacrifice”,
and adds: “in the new era that is coming to Aundh, and we
hope to the whole of our country, the strong will serve the weak,
the wealthy will serve the poor, the learned will serve the illite-
rate.”
It is to be hoped that the noble example of Aundh will be
copied by the other States and that its people will by their con-
duct prove themselves in every way worthy of the responsibility
90
NOTES
91
that is to devolve on them. The fact that in the heir to the gadi
they have one who, from all accounts I have received, is a true
servant of the people, must be a great help at the time of the
inauguration of responsible government. The Western education
received by him has not spoiled him. He is reported to be a
votary of truth and ahimsa. He himself takes part in village
uplift, does road cleaning himself in common with other volun-
teers and handles the spade and the basket with as much ease as
they. He wields the pen. He takes pride in doing the scavenging
work including the removal of night-soil.
Arya Samaj and Filthy Literature
Shri Dharma Dev Shastri of Kanya Gurukul, Dehra Dun,
and then Acharya Dev Sharma Abhaya of Gurukul Kangri have
written to me to say that my reference in my article “Filth in
Literature”' to my daughter-in-law, who is studying in the
Kanya Gurukul and who wrote to me about the filth she found
in certain text-books prescribed for her examination, has been
interpreted in some quarters to mean that the Arya Samaj
authorities countenance such literature. Both the friends repudi-
ate the suggestion in emphatic terms. Acharya Dev Sharma
Abhaya tells me that the Gurukul authorities were so metic-
ulous about the matter that even for the works of classical poets like
Kalidas they insisted on expurgated editions being printed before
they would allow their students to study even a celebrated
classic like Shakuntala. What has, however, happened is that, of
late, they have allowed their students to prepare for Sahitya
Sammelan examinations which tolerates books containing un-
clean literature. I understand that the Gurukul authorities have
brought the matter to the notice of the Sammelan management
and asked them to withdraw the text-books which contain objec-
tionable references. I hope that they will not rest satisfied till
they have succeeded in their battle against unclean literature
forming part of students’ text-books.
To Correspondents
No matter what warnings I issued, my correspondence is
daily growing. Even at the risk of a breakdown, I cannot cope
with the whole of it. Nor can Pyarelal, even though he often
burns midnight oil. Though Mahadev Desai is decidedly on the
mend and is even being permitted to write what he feels impelled
to and can write without an effort, he cannot be given any
> Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 407-8.
92
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
correspondence to deal with. I must not put his health in jeopardy
again. Even a well regulated life like his has limitations which
must not be disregarded. It is therefore a question if he can ever
again be burdened with correspondence which is not strictly con-
nected with Harijan. Let the readers, please, recognize my difh-
culty. I have a file of papers unread. Some has been read and
remains undisposed of. Thus there are long statements complain-
ing against the Bihar Ministers, longer still from Malabar complain-
ing against Rajagopalachari. I have cursorily glanced through
them. I am wholly unable to deal with them. I may not even
send them to the accused Ministers unless I am prepared to give
the necessary time to them. I have neither the time nor the
inclination. The Working Committee is the proper tribunal for
such matters. If I began to handle such complaints it would be
an unwarranted interference with the Ministers concerned and
with the functions of the Working Committee.
But this solid reason for non-interference is irrelevant to this
note. The decisive reason is my utter inability. Therefore, these
and such correspondents will forgive me for not even sending
them personal acknowledgments. Then, there are letters complain-
ing against the fancied or real misdeeds of Congress Committees
in various provinces. These correspondents attribute to me pow-
ers and influence I do not possess. But here again the physical
inability is the peremptory cause for my silence. Then there is
the unread correspondence. Heaven knows what is contained in
it. There are, too, personal letters which I would gladly deal
with if I could. I know I can give some help or comfort to
these correspondents, if I can deal with their letters as I should
like to. As it is, I must plead my inability to handle such corres-
pondence. What energy I have left in me has to be reserved for
the general causes which, I fancy, I can still serve. Therefore,
correspondents who are awaiting answers will forgive me if they
never receive any reply. Those who are in the habit of writing
to me will help me much if they will restrict their correspondence
only to such questions as may lend themselves to discussion or
advice through the columns of Harijan. In other words Harijan
should, as far as possible, be my only letter or message to those
who seek to know my views on matters which interest them and
which are also of importance to the public.
Peshawar, November 5, 1938
Harijan, 12-11-1938
104. WHY NOT GREAT POWERS?
In the criticisms on my recent writings on the plight of Cze-
choslovakia,* I have observed one thing which demands an answer.
Some critics argue that if the non-violent remedy I have
suggested for the Czechs is only for comparatively weak because
small nations like them and not for the great powers like
England or France or America, it cannot be of much value, if
any.
Now if the critics will reread my article, they will see that I
have refrained from suggesting it to these big powers because of
their bigness, in other words, because of my timidity. But there
was a more potent reason for my not addressing them. They
were not in distress and therefore in no need of any remedy.
To use a medical expression, they were not ailing as Czechoslovakia
was. Their existence was not threatened as Czechoslovakia’s was.
Any appeal from me therefore to the great powers would have
amounted to an empty and unwanted sermon.
By experience I have also found that people rarely become
virtuous for virtue’s sake. They become virtuous from necessity.
Nor is there anything wrong in a man becoming good under pres-
sure of circumstances. It would be no doubt better if he be-
comes good for its own sake.
The Czechs were given a choice either to surrender peace-
fully to Germany’s might or to light single-handed and risk
almost certain destruction. It was at this moment that it became
necessary for one like me to present an alternative which had
proved its effectiveness under somewhat similar circumstances.
My appeal to the Czechs was in my opinion as appropriate as
it would have been inappropriate in the case of the great
powers.
My critics might have, however, well asked why I had gone
out of my self-prescribed orbit to speak to a Western nation when
I could not show cent per cent success of non-violence on the
Indian soil, — more especially now, when I had begun to entertain
serious doubts as to whether Congressmen were really living up
to their creed or policy of non-violence. Indeed I had in mind
* Vide Vol. LXVII, “If I were a Czech”, pp. 404-6 and “Logical Con-
sequence”, pp. 413-5.
93
94
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the limitation and the present state of uncertainty about the Cong-
ress position. But my own faith in the non-violent remedy was
as bright as ever when I wrote that article. And I felt that in
the supreme hour of its trial it would be cowardly on my part not
to suggest to the Czechs the non-violent remedy for acceptance.
What may ultimately prove impossible of acceptance by crores of
people, undisciplined and unused till but recently to corporate
suffering, might be possible for a small, compact, disciplined
nation inured to corporate suffering. I had no right to arrogate
to myself any belief that India alone and no other nation was fit
for non-violent action. I must confess that I have believed and
still believe that India was the fittest nation to enforce non-
violent action for regaining her freedom. In spite of signs to the
contrary, I have the hope that the whole mass of people, who are
more than the Congress, will respond only to non-violent action.
They are the readiest of all the nations of the earth for such
action. But when a case for immediate application of the remedy
presented itself before me, I could not restrain myself from sug-
gesting it to the Czechs for their acceptance.
It is however open to the great powers to take it up any day
and cover themselves with glory and earn the eternal gratitude
of posterity. If they or any of them could shed the fear of
destruction, if they disarmed themselves, they will automatically
help the rest to regain their sanity. But then these great powers
have to give up imperialistic ambitions and exploitation of the
so-called uncivilized or semi-civilized nations of the earth and
revise their mode of life. It means a complete revolution. Great
nations can hardly be expected in the ordinary course to move
spontaneously in a direction the reverse of the one they have
followed, and according to their notion of value, from victory
to victory. But miracles have happened before and may
happen even in this very prosaic age. Who can dare limit God’s
power of undoing wrong? One thing is certain. If the mad race
for armaments continues, it is bound to result in a slaughter such
as has never occurred in history. If there is a victor left the
very victory will be a living death for the nation that emerges
victorious. There is no escape from the impending doom save
through a bold and unconditional acceptance of the non-violent
method with all its glorious implications. Democracy and violence
can ill go together. The States that are today nominally demo-
cratic have either to become frankly totalitarian or, if they are to
become truly democratic, they must become courageously non-
violent. It is a blasphemy to say that non-violence can only be
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
95
practised by individuals and never by nations which are composed
of individuals.
Peshawar, November 5, 1938
Harijan, 12-11-1938
105. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Peshawar,
November 5, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
Evidently you had the call perhaps at the same hour that I
felt you will have it. As far as my recollection goes, I wrote to you
also that if you felt the urge I would let you go. Of course the
idea originated not with me, but with Rajkumari ; and I wrote to
her suggesting that she should write to you directly. But in view
of your letter, all this becomes past history. We will discuss
ways and means when I am there which I hope will be on the
11th. I hope I shall find Agatha there on my arrival. If the
final decision is for you to go, what I feel is that the sooner you
can go the better, if you can stand the continental winter. I do
not want you to risk your health. It may be that if you recon-
cile yourself to sterile eggs you might be able to stand the cold
better, but of course you shall be the sole judge.
I am already moving with reference to the financial part of
it. I have relaxed temporarily the silence rule. Hence I have
been able to dictate this while munching grapes.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6413. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10008
106. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
Peshawar,
November 5, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
Your decision to stay on is all right. I like it too and I
certainly liked the idea about a sea voyage. I like Kallenbach’s
suggestion very much indeed. You may go and see the field of
my battles. I should like you very much to see Phoenix, Tolstoy
Farm, the house in which I used to stay in Durban, the Johannes-
burg office, etc. Manilal will dance with joy. But it might be
96
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
difficult to take Durga and Bablo as far as that. I should like
Bablo to remain with me. And moreover, a visit to South Africa
would mean at least four months. South Africa is not less big
than India. Go and see the four Colonies. And you must not
miss the Victoria Falls. When you go so far, you cannot return
immediately. It is worth going there even if only for the sake
of meeting Miss Schlesin. Kallenbach will perhaps have a time
that he will remember for ever. The climate there is beyond
praise. Think over it. If you feel inclined, I am certainly ready
to send you.
If Mirabehn wishes to go, I am ready to let her go. Her
going can do no harm at all. While she has to suppress herself
with me, in the West she can work independently. There is no
limit to her courage.
I completely forgot to write to you about Muirhead. If I
had had some talk, I would certainly have written to you. But
I think he did not have the courage to discuss anything with me.
Or maybe his only aim was to see me. I gave him no encou-
ragement at all. I had no desire to. What was there to talk
about? If the corruption in the Congress can be got rid of, we
can get swaraj today without any discussion with anybody. If it
is not got rid of, swaraj is an impossibility. I will stop my pen
now.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11676
107. SPEECH AT MEETING OE BAR ASSOCIATION,
PESHAWAR^
[^November 5, 1938^
Gandhiji, in a witty little speech, while thanking them for the honour
that they had done him, observed that he was hardly entitled to that privi-
lege, in the first place because, as they all knew, he had been disbarred by
his own Inn, and, secondly, because he had long forgotten his law. Of late he
had more often been engaged in breaking laws than in expounding or inter-
preting them in the courts of the land. Still another and, perhaps, his most
vital reason was his peculiar views about lawyers and doctors which he had
’ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VI”
^ From Gandhi — 1915-1948
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
97
recorded in his booklet, The Indian Home Rule} A true lawyer, he told them,
was one who placed truth and service in the first place and the emoluments
of the profession in the next place only. He did not know whether they had
all adopted that ideal but if they pledged themselves to render service
through their legal acumen in an altruistic spirit, he would be the first to
pay them his homage.
Harijan, 26-11-1938
108. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 6, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
Travelling practically for the whole day by a motor lorry,
we arrived at Haripur in the evening.
What you write about Massingham is correct, but the way
you applied it to conditions in India did not seem right to me.
The article has no place in Harijan. Just as dazzling light
in a small is room out of place, so is the case with your
article. Massingham wrote a poem but we are doing things.
Only accounts of active work being done have a place in it. But
why go on arguing about this? When we meet, we shall dis-
cuss it if we have time and if it is necessary to do so. It
happens only rarely when what you say does not convince me
and what I say does not convince you. I should, therefore, cer-
tainly like to avoid arguing about this. I had thought of giving
that article to you in Delhi. Now I will post it to you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11677
1 Vide Vol. X.
68-7
109. TALK AT BIBHUTI
November 6, 1938
The Khudai Khidmatgars is an organization with its head-
quarters at Utmanzai. Anyone who signs their pledge and can
speak Pushtu can enrol himself as a Khudai Khidmatgar. The
only condition is that he cannot simultaneously be on the register
of any other organization. You are, therefore, absolutely free to
enrol as Khudai Khidmatgars if you like and no special per-
mission is needed for it.
The Khudai Khidmatgars have proved their undoubted capa-
city for organization. The presence of a picked body of Khudai
Khidmatgars at a public meeting makes all the difference bet-
ween order and disorder. The principle of non-violence requires
that they should make the people do, through their power of
love, all those things that the police does through the power of
the lathi and the bullet. When the seed of love sprouts forth
in our hearts our petty quarrels and mutual bickerings will be-
come things of the past. Take today’s incident of the calf that
was accidentally overrun by our motor-bus.^ Love should have
prompted the chauffeur to stop the car immediately so that
adequate arrangements might be made for the care and treat-
ment of the injured animal. One of our party showed what
seemed to me as unseemly haste in naming the so-called oppo-
nents as the deliberate authors of the accident. In non-
violence, we must not be in a hurry to ascribe motives to the
opponent or regard him with suspicion unless we have proof
positive for it. When love fills the hearts of the Khudai
we shall have independence. But independence will not come to
Khidmatgars us till our love shines out in our littlest acts.
We must send someone to the place where the accident
'Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province —VI’’.
The local Pushtu-speaking people had requested Gandhiji that they should be
allowed to join the Khudai Khidmatgar movement although politically and
geographically they belonged to the Punjab.
2 While Gandhiji was being driven to Bibhuti, a calf had been knocked
down and partly run over by Gandhiji’s car. The local Congressmen put
the blame on the opponents or the Government.
98
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR 99
occurred, to offer compensation to the owner of the animal and
to take the calf for treatment to a vet.
Harijan, 26-11-1938
no. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, HARIPUm
November 6, 1938
Scientists tell us that we are descended from the orang. That
may be so, but it is not man’s destiny to live and die a brute.
In proportion as he cultivates non-violence and voluntary discipline,
he is contradistinguished from brute nature and fulfils his destiny.
One of the obligations that non-violence places upon us is to res-
pect the rights even of the weakest, even a child’ s.^
. . . We must meet abuse by forbearance.^ Human nature
is so constituted that if we take absolutely no notice of anger or
abuse, the person indulging in it will soon weary of it and stop.
We should harbour no resentment against those who tried to
create the disturbance which, without their meaning it, has taught
us a valuable little lesson in forbearance. A satyagrahi always
regards the ‘enemy’ as a potential friend. During half a century
of experience of non-violence I have not come across a case of
enmity persisting to the end in the face of absolute non-violence.
Harijan, 26-11-1938
111. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Haripur,
November 7, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Did you notice the recrudescence of riots in Burma It is a
sad thing. The secret of the monks taking a leading part in
them we shall perhaps never know.
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VI”
^ The reference is to a “gentle complaint” from the head master of a
local school that the local Congress authorities had not taken his permission
for holding the meeting in the school.
^ The reference is to the walk-out of a “socialist” delegation shouting
unseemly slogans because they were not allowed to present an address to
Gandhiji as the meeting had already commenced when they arrived.
Vide Vol. LXVII, “Recent Riots in Burma”, pp. 266-9.
100
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
We visited the famous gurdwara in Hasan Abdal. You
should if you have not. Whilst the building is majestic, the spi-
rit of Nanak was absent.
There was nothing from you yesterday. I expect to have
your letter at Abbottabad.
We take the train on 9th at Taxila.
Love.
Warrior
From the original: C.W. 3648. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6457
112. LETTER TO DEV PRAKASH BHATIA
November 7, 1938
DEAR FRIEND,
You have been as good as your word.
Prayer is an intense longing to have communion with our
Maker. It is an effort not of the intellect but of the heart. The
communion may come soon or it may take years or even ages.
It is enough if the effort is sincere and heart-felt.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Shri Dev Prakash Bhatia, b.a.,ll.b.
Peshawar Gantt.
From a photostat: G.N. 1538
113. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Abbottabad,
November 7, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
This is the last I can write from this province. This is a
beautiful place except for its associations. Tell Munnalal I shall
discuss his letter when I meet [him]. No time today.
Love.
Bapu
Shri Mirabehn
Segaon Ashram
Segaon, Wardha, C. P.
From the original: C.W. 6414. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10009
114. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
J4ov ember 7, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
This is a . . letter. If you have reached Delhi, it will follow
you. With it is Mani’s. Pyarelal’s letter seems queer. Let us
see what happens.
Don’t decide too hastily to remain in Wardha. If nowhere
else, go and stay in Bombay or Bulsar. If you can have the
courage to go to South Africa, it will be best. But I would
not insist. Follow your own inclination. If you cannot feel at
ease anywhere outside Wardha, I won’t oppose your plan. Let
us not take any risk. What has happened to you is something
similar to what had happened to me in Nipani,^ confining me to
bed for six months. Maybe, considering your age, you will not
have to take that much rest.
I am sending Radhakrishna’s letter also for you to read and
then tear up. I have carefully preserved your article. After I
know your wish, I shall send it or hand it over personally. How
can we afford to lose it ?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati : S.N. 1 1678
115. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Abbottabad,
November 8, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
1 got your telegram. About money I have already decided
that we cannot put that burden on Ramachandran. It is my
impression that even when she went I myself gave the money.
But if it was not so, I shall see when she comes. It is your duty,
however, to talk to Ramachandran as I have suggested. Not to
tell him is to betray his trust and will not be to Paparamma’s
good.
' The source is illegible here.
2 Vide Vol. XXXIII, pp. 194-5.
101
102
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It is wise on your part that you resist at present the tempt-
ation of entering into a discussion. If convincing reasons occur
to you and they are borne out by experience, then when your
time comes your arguments will have greater force. It is enough
for the present that you consider my path the right one and wish
to follow it in your life, too. If you remain firm in this, it will
be more than enough.
Don’t let your health suffer in any way. Don’t have the
false confidence that you will be able to manage it afterwards.
Whatever the disease, trivial or serious, it must be got rid of as
soon as it makes its appearance.
The Frontier Province is worth visiting from the point of
view of understanding human nature. There is also some beauti-
ful scenery.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7351. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
116. TALK TO KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS^
Mansehra,
{^November 8, 1938Y
It has become the fashion these days to say that society
cannot be organized or run on non-violent lines. I join issue on
that point. In a family, when a father slaps his delinquent child,
the latter does not think of retaliating. He obeys his father
not because of the deterrent effect of the slap but because
of the offended love which he senses behind it. That in my
opinion is an epitome of the way in which society is or should be
governed. What is true of family must be true of society which
is but a larger family. It is man’s imagination that divides the
world into warring groups of enemies and friends. In the ulti-
mate resort it is the power of love that acts even in the midst of
the clash and sustains the world.
I am told that the Red Shirts here are Red Shirts only in
name. I hope the allegation is baseless. I know that Khan
Saheb is seriously disturbed at the infiltration of the Khudai
Khidmatgar movement by undesirable and self-seeking elements.
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VII”
^ The date is from Gandhi — 1915—1948.
SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, MANSEHRA
103
I share with him this feeling that mere accession of numbers,
unless they are true exponents of the creed which they profess,
will only weaken instead of adding strength to the movement.
The Red Shirt movement today has drawn attention of
the whole of India and even outside. And yet what it has
achieved is only a small fraction of what has to be achieved. I
implicitly accept the assurance given by the Khudai Khidmatgars
that they are anxious to understand and practise the doctrine of
non-violence in full. There are tremendous heights lying before
them still to be scaled. The programme of constructive non-
violence that I have placed before them is self-acting when it is
once started well. Its enforcement will be a sure test too of the
earnestness and sincerity of the Khudai Khidmatgars.
Harijan, 3-12-1938
117. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, MANSEHRA^
November 8, 1938
Gandhiji replying assured them that he set great store by what they
had already achieved in the field of non-violence. But believing as he did
in the old adage that from him who gives much more is expected, he warned
them that he would not rest satisfied till they had fulfilled their mission of
achieving through their non-violence not only their own freedom but the
freedom of India. He had visited their province a second time to know them
more intimately and to understand how non-violence worked in their midst
and it was his intention to return to them a third time when he hoped once
more to pick up the threads of various problems where he had left them.
Harijan, 3-12-1938
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VII”. The
local citizens in their address had assured Gandhiji that the Pathans would
in a short time constitute “the spear-head of India’s non-violent fight
for freedom”.
118. TALK TO MINORITIES^ DEPUTATION^
Abbottabad,
^November 8, 1938Y
Gandhiji in reply told them that whilst he could support their demand
that licences for keeping fire-arms should be freely issued on application, it
would be too much to expect the Government to distribute fire-arms free
amongst the entire border population. They could raise a fund for free distri-
bution of fire-arms if they wanted, but he had his doubts whether free distri-
bution of and training in the use of fire-arms would solve the question of trans-
border insecurity. If the experience during the recent raid at Bannu was any
guide, such a step would prove to be an expensive pedantry. During the
Bannu raid, he was told, only one gun on the part of the citizens was in
play although there was no lack of fire-arms in the city at the time of the
raid and even that gun occasioned more casualties among the public than
among the raiders. He, however, agreed with them with regard to what they
had observed about the duty of the majority community. Khan Saheb was
trying to prepare the Khudai Khidmatgars for discharging their duty of
protecting citizens against raids.
Harijan, 3-12-1938
119. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, ABBOTTABAD^
\November 8, 1938^
I thank you for the address that you have presented to
me. You have in your address expressed your gratification at
having in your midst ‘the greatest man on earth’. I wondered
as I listened to your address as to who that gentleman could be.
' Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VII”.
The deputation among other things suggested to Gandhiji that in view of the
growing menace to security, fire-arms and training in the use of them ought
to be provided free to the minority population settled in the border to facili-
tate self-protection.
^ From Gandhi — 1915-1948
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s report “In the Frontier Province— VIII”.
At the meeting several addresses and a consolidated sum of Rs. 1,125 on
behalf of the whole district were presented to Gandhiji.
''From The Hindustan Times, 9-11-1938, and The Hindu, 9-11-1938
104
SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, ABBOTTABAD
105
Certainly it could not be I. I know too well my shortcomings.
There is a celebrated story told about Solon the great law-giver
of Athens. He was asked by Croesus, who was reputed to be the
wealthiest man of his age, to name the happiest man on earth.
Croesus had fondly hoped that Solon would name him. But
Solon replied that he could say nothing as no one could be ad-
judged happy before his end. If Solon found it difficult to pro-
nounce on a man’s happiness during his lifetime, how much more
difficult it must be to adjudge on a man’s greatness ? True great-
ness in the world is not found set upon a hill, for the vulgar
crowd to see. On the contrary, my seventy years’ experience has
taught me that the truly great are often those of whom and of
whose greatness the world knows nothing during their lifetime.
God alone is judge of true greatness, because He knows men’s
hearts. . . .
Not only the inhabitants of Abbottabad but even the sun,
the moon and the stars here were eager to have a glimpse of
me ! Am I to understand, my good friends, that your city has all
to itself a set of sun, moon and stars which do not shine upon
Wardha or Segaon? In Kathiawar we have a class of people
known as Bhats or professional bards who make it their job to
sing the praises of their chieftains for money. Well, I won’t call
you Bhats. Banter apart, I want you to realize the mistake of
indulging in hyperbolic praises of your leaders. It neither helps
them nor their work. I would like you once for all to forget
this practice of presenting laudatory addresses. At three score
and ten I for one have no desire to let what little time God has
still left me be frittered away in vain theatricalities. If an ad-
dress must be presented, I would like it to be descriptive of the
defects and shortcomings of the recipient of the address so that
he might be helped to turn the searchlight inward and weed
them out.
Ever since my arrival in this province I have been trying to
expound to the Khudai Khidmatgars the doctrine of non-violence
in all its uncompromising completeness, abating not a jot, holding
back nothing. I do not claim to have understood the meaning
of non-violence in its entirety. What I have realized is only a
small and an insignificant fraction of the great whole. It is not
given to imperfect man to grasp the whole meaning of non-
violence or to practise it in full. That is an attribute of God alone,
the Supreme Ruler who suffers no second. But I have con-
stantly and ceaselessly striven for over half a century to understand
it and to translate it in my own life. The Khudai Khidmatgars
106
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
have no doubt set a most brilliant example in the practice of
non-violence, to the extent to which they have understood it. It
has earned them universal admiration. But they have now to
move a step further. Their conception of non-violence has to
be broadened and their practice of it, especially in its positive
aspects, to be made fuller and more intense, if they are to come
out successful in the final heat. Non-violence is not mere
disarmament. Nor is it the weapon of the weak and the impo-
tent. A child who has not the strength to wield the lathi does not
practise non-violence. More powerful than all the armaments,
non-violence is a unique force that has come into the world.
He who has not learnt to feel it to be a weapon infinitely more
potent than brute force has not understood its true nature. This
non-violence cannot be “taught” through word of mouth. But
it can be kindled in our heart through the grace of God, in
answer to earnest prayer. It is stated that today there are one lakh
of Khudai Khidmatgars who have adopted non-violence as their
creed. But before them as early as 1920, Khan Saheb came to
recognize in non-violence a weapon, the mightiest in the world,
and his choice was made. Eighteen years of practice of non-
violence have only strengthened his faith in it. He has seen how
it has made his people fearless and strong. The prospect of los-
ing a paltry job used to unnerve them. They feel different
beings today. At three score and ten, my faith in non-violence
today burns brighter than ever. People say to me, “Your prog-
ramme of non-violence has been before the country now nearly
for two decades, but where is the promised independence?” My
reply is that although the creed of non-violence was professed
by millions, it was practised by but a few and that, too, merely
as a policy. But with all that the result that has been achieved
is sufficiently striking to encourage me to carry on the experi-
ment with the Khudai Khidmatgars and God willing it will
succeed.
Harijan, 10-12-1938
120. LETTER TO SARASWATI GANDHI
[Before November 9, 19 3 8^
CHI. SARASWATI,
You must have received my letters and given my letter
to Grandfather. I am awaiting your letter. I hope you are
physically well and mentally calm. Is there any difhculty in
deciphering my handwriting? I shall be here till November 9.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Ba had been taken ill. She is in Delhi and is slightly better.
Write to her at the Harijan Nivas, Kingsway.
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: C.W. 3427. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi.
Also G.N. 6154
121. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
November 9, 1938
CHI. SUSHILA,
I know that you like to live in Akola. It is indeed your
dharma to serve NanabhaP. You are the best judge of how
long you should stay there for that. If you are not urgently
required there for that purpose, your duty is to go to Natal. The
earlier you reach there, the better.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I hope Nanabhai is better. Write to me at Segaon.
I am writing this in a moving train.
Shri Sushilabehn Gandhi
C/o Shri Nanabhai Mashruwala
Akola, Berar
From a photostat of the Gujarati : G.N. 4888
* Gandhiji left the Frontier Province on November 9, 1938.
^ Nanabhai Mashruwala, the addressee’s father
107
122. LETTER TO MANUAL GANDHI
November 9, 1938
CHI. MANILAL,
I owe you an apology. While on tour, I always leave you
out. The work is heavy and my energy is relatively limited.
I, therefore, content myself with the fewest possible letters. I
realize, all the same, that 1 ought to write to you. I will try
once again to be regular in writing or dictating letters to you.
I have been feeling that I am not doing my dharma towards
you fully. Though I may not be able to do anything in that
direction, still even my letters to you have a value of their own.
I wrote long back to Sushila that her dharma was to be
by your side. She has decided to stay on here for a month or
so. I have again written today that if she is not required to
stay there for nursing Nanabhai, she should immediately return.'
I will do everything possible to send her.
If you find it necessary to sell any portion of Phoenix and if
the trustees agree, you may sell it.
Schlesin’s suggestion is certainly worth thinking over.
I am sending your letter to Chhaganlal but I do not think
he will want to go. The person who would have benefited by going
and staying there was Ramdas, but he does not feel so inclined.
The best way is for you and Sushila to do the best you can and
be content. It will certainly be good if Schlesin gives whatever
help she can. I will have no objection if Pragji takes charge.
You should be guided by your experience. Don’t do anything
which your experience does not suggest as advisable.
Ba has completely recovered now. So also has Mahadev.
Today I am travelling in a train bound for Wardha. Ba will
meet me in Delhi and join us there.
Dr. Sushila, Pyarelal and Amtul Salaam are with me. Kan-
aiya also is there. My health is excellent.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4887
' Vide the preceding item.
108
123. LETTER TO M. R. MASANI
November 9, 1938
BHAI MASANI,
You must have seen that Dr. Khan Saheb has released a
good many people. He wishes to release the remaining prisoners also
but there are difficulties in the way. I have written to the local
Secretary in this connection and asked him to send a copy of
that letter to you. You must have received it.
Vandemataram from
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4129
124. LETTER TO VIJATA M. PATEL
November 9, 1938
CHI. VIJAYA,
I got your letter. It would please me if you stayed there
as long as you could. I am writing this letter in a train. I will
reach Segaon on the 11th. Ba will join me at Delhi.
You have given good information.
Manubhai has done well in deciding to stay on there.
Blessings to you both from
Bapu
Shri Vijayabehn
Gram Dakshinamurti
AmBLA, via SONGADH
Kathiawar
From a photostat of the Gujarati : G.N. 7102. Also C.W. 4594. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
109
125. MESSAGE ON DEATH OE KEMAL ATATURK^
November 10, 1938
THIS DEATH IS A GREAT LOSS TO TURKEY. MAY THEY COME
OUT SAFE THROUGH THE CRISIS.
The Hindu, 11-11-1938
126. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Delhi,
November 10, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is Satis Babu’s latest production.^ He is making vast
strides in this direction.
Your two letters came in today, the first without anything
from M^.
What could I say but from the heart about your pathetic
appeal? If the message comes to me nothing on earth would
deter me. I have told you, perhaps, I have not the requisite
purity to penetrate the woman heart. There must be a distance
between her and me so long as I have the snake in me.
You can but pray. But the effort has to be mine. Therefore
don’t feel angry or sorrowful if I can’t answer your expectations.
Love.
Bapu
From the original; C.W. 3649. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6458
’ President of the Turkish Republic. He died on November 10, 1938.
^ The reference seems to be to the paper on which Gandhiji was writing
the letter.
3 Mahadev Desai
■* Carnal desires
no
127. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 10, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I had got your letter at Taxila. I received one here also.
An earlier letter of Rajkumari I got today, in which I did not
see your handwriting. I understand about South Africa. We
will now think about something else when you return. Don’t
mind if you sleep less now. It has taught us a lesson that
even now you have to be very careful. What Gilder says is
quite true. If it is necessary to stay on beyond the 19th, do so.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I have no time for more.
From a photostat of the Gujarati : S.N. 11679
128. DISCUSSION WITH COMMUNISTS^
[Before November 11, 1938^'^
communists: We confess, we do not understand what it is exactly you
stand for. We oppose you, not necessarily because we always differ from
you but because we do not know your mind and so regard your actions
with vague fear and distrust. Faith would become easier if we understand
you. So we have come to you. Possibly you too might find that some
of your opinions about us needed revision, if you knew us.
And by way of illustration, they cited the resolution on civil liberty^
that had been adopted by the A. I. C. C. at Delhi and which had occasioned
the much talked of walk-out on the part of a group of members.'^ They
could not understand why the “High Command” should be so anxious to
steamroll that resolution through the house in spite of strong protest.
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A Sporting Offer”. Gandhiji, Pyarelal says,
made several additions in the writing to bring out his meaning clearly.
^ From a reference in the text it is clear that Gandhiji was not at
Segaon at the time of this discussion. He left Delhi for Segaon on the 11th.
3 Vide Vol. LXVII, “ Draft of Resolution for A. I. C. C.”, p. 368.
^ Vide Vol. LXVII, “That Unfortunate Walk-out”, pp. 401-2.
Ill
112
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
G. I must confess that I did not like the walk-out. Did it mean
that you wanted the Congress to condone incitement to violence?
c. No, we have again and again made it clear that we do not want
any condonation of violence or incitement to violence. What distresses us
is this. Whereas there was enlargement of civil liberty on Congress taking
office, since the Haripura Congress civil liberty has actually suffered curtail-
ment under the Congress ministries. We are driven to feel that this cry
about abuse of civil liberty has been raised merely as a convenient pretext
to shield the Ministers, some of whom have been behaving exactly like the
old bureaucrats.
G. I am more than glad that you have come to me, because
you have come to the real culprit. I must confess that I am the
sole author of that resolution. It is based upon unimpeachable
evidence in my possession. But you should have known from my
writings that they were meant to help Ministers to avoid action
against those who have incited to violence and even actually
committed it. Instead of Ministers taking action against them
my purpose was to create public opinion against violent speeches,
writings or acts. The resolution was a substitute for legal action.
I want you to accept my assurance that I would not screen a
single Minister who interferes with civil liberty or acts contrary
to Congress resolutions. If you have Rajaji in mind, I am pre-
pared to give you full satisfaction or ask him to resign.
c. We feel puzzled. You have said that coercive measures should be
used to put down incitement to violence. Is it right to use Government vio-
lence to check the so-called incitement to violence by Congressmen?
G. The question is badly put. But my answer is there.
There should be no Government violence. But if a man kills a
little child and robs it of its ornaments and if I deprive him of
the liberty to repeat the performance, I would not call my act
violence. It would be violence if my act was meant to be a
punishment.
I would like to make my position clearer still. You cannot
have the cake and eat it. Assuming that there has been violence
of speech, it has to be noticed by the Congress or the Congress
Ministers. I have suggested the former course. The resolution
was in pursuance of that course. Of course you may question
the validity or sufficiency of proof in the possession of the Working
Committee. In that case, you could have called for proofs and
accepted the resolution subject to the production by the Working
Committee of the proof in its possession. If you admit that
DISCUSSION WITH COMMUNISTS
113
violent speech or writing does not come under the protection of
civil liberty, there should have been no walk-out. Surely he who
runs may see that in the Congress provinces latitude of speech
and writing is allowed such as has never before been enjoyed.
c. All the same, we cannot reconcile ourselves to the bias which the
High Command has persistently shown against us. We have put ourselves
under Congress discipline. We have joined the Congress because it is
the only body that can raise a popular movement. If we misbehave, we may
be put out and should lose caste with the people. As a people’s party we
must move with the people or go out. These Ministers, on the other hand,
are seeking to set themselves above the people to make themselves immune
to democratic influence. We are wedded to no dogma. Tell us what we
can do together in immediate practice. Our motives may differ but prac-
tice will count.
G. You should also admit that neither the resolution’ nor,
I think, my article^ makes mention of socialists or communists.
Violence is no monopoly of any one party. I know Congressmen
who are neither socialists nor communists but who are frankly
devotees of the cult of violence. Contrariwise, I know socialists
and communists who will not hurt a fly but who believe in the
universal ownership of instruments of production. I rank myself
as one among them. But here I am not thinking of myself but
of others whom I have the good fortune to know.
What you have said, however, makes it clear to me that you
do not put the same stress as I do on the means. But I under-
stand your argument. Our minds are working at cross purposes.
I want to occupy a corner in your hearts, if I can. But some
of you have told me frankly that it is impossible, for they look
at things from opposite poles. The utmost they can do is to
tolerate me because they credit me with some capacity for sacri-
fice and influence over the masses. Now I make a sporting offer.
One of you or all of you can come to me at Segaon when I
return there, study me, see all my papers, look at the correspon-
dence, ask me questions, and decide upon the course you would
adopt in your dealings with me. There is no secrecy with me.
My mission is to convert every single Indian to my view of the
means of liberation. If only that happens, complete indepen-
dence is ours for the having.
They next questioned Gandhiji as to the possibility of the Communist
Party being legalized. “We do not want violence,” they explained. “It is
’ Vide Vol. LXVII, p. 368.
2 Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 401-2.
68-8
114
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
true that we have not made non-violence our creed. We are not pledged
to non-violence at all cost and for all time to come, but for the time being
and in the immediate future we see no necessity for violence. Our method
is thus, just now, the same as that of the Congress. We are forced at
present to function as a secret organization because we are under ban. If
the ban is removed, the necessity for secrecy should cease. For the rest we
can only give the assurance that should we in the future find it necessary to
drop non-violence, we shall make a clear and open declaration about it.
G. If you mean that you do not as a party believe in vio-
lence, then you should make that statement. All your literature
that I have studied clearly says that there is no independence
without resort to force. I know that there is a body of com-
munists that is slowly veering round to non-violence. I would
like you to make your position absolutely plain and above board.
I have it from some of the literature that passes under the name
of communist literature that secrecy, camouflage and the like are
enjoined as necessary for the accomplishment of the communist
end, especially as communism has to engage in an unequal battle
against capitalism which has organized violence at its beck and
call. I would, therefore, like you, if you can, to make it plain
that you do not believe in these things I have mentioned.
The communist friends promised to send Gandhiji an authoritative state-
ment setting forth the position of their party.
G. You may think over what I have said, keep yourself
in touch with me, correct me when you think I go astray, and
try to understand me. Do not distrust me. When you have
doubts express them fearlessly. And I suggest that we leave the
discussion at that. But I should be glad to think that we part
with the determination to understand one another and but to
meet again.
Harijan, 10-12-1938
129. KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS AND BADSHAH KHAN
Whatever the Khudai Khidmatgars may be or may ultimately
turn out to be, there can be no doubt about what their leader
whom they delight to call Badshah Khan is. He is unquestion-
ably a man of God. He believes in His living presence and
knows that his movement will prosper only if God wills it.
Having put his whole soul into his cause, he remains indifferent
as to what happens. It is enough for him to realize that there
is no deliverance for the Pathan except through out and out
acceptance of non-violence. He does not take pride in the fact
that the Pathan is a line fighter. He appreciates his bravery but
he thinks that he has been spoilt by overpraise. He does not
want to see his Pathan as a goonda of society. He believes that
the Pathan has been exploited and kept in ignorance. He wants
the Pathan to become braver than he is and wants him to add
true knowledge to his bravery. This he thinks can only be
achieved through non-violence.
And as Khan Saheb believes in my non-violence, he wanted
me to be as long as I could among the Khudai Khidmatgars.
For me I needed no temptation to go to them. I was myself
anxious to make their acquaintance. I wanted to reach their
hearts. I do not know that I have done so now. Anyway I
made the attempt.
But before I proceed to describe how I approached my task
and what I did, I must say a word about Khan Saheb as my
host. His one care throughout the tour was to make me as
comfortable as the circumstances permitted. He spared no pains
to make me proof against privation or discomfort. All my wants
were anticipated by him. And there was no fuss about what he
did. It was all perfectly natural for him. It was all from the
heart. There is no humbug about him. He is an utter stranger
to affectation. His attention is therefore never embarrassing, never
obtrusive. And so when we parted at Taxila our eyes were wet.
The parting was difficult. And we parted in the hope that
we would meet again probably in March next. The Frontier
Province must remain a place of frequent pilgrimage for me. For
though the rest of India may fail to show true non-violence, there
seems to be good ground for hoping that the Frontier Province
115
116
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
will pass through the fiery ordeal. The reason is simple. Bad-
shah Khan commands willing obedience from his adherents said to
number more than one hundred thousand. They hang on his
lips. He has but to say the word and it is carried out. Whe-
ther, in spite of all the veneration he commands, the Khudai
Khidmatgars will pass the test in constructive non-violence re-
mains to be seen.
Though Pyarelal has been giving a faithful record of the tour
in the Frontier Province I must even at the risk of repetition in
places give in my own way a resume of what has been done.
At the outset both Khan Saheb and I had come to the con-
clusion that instead of addressing the whole of the Khudai Khid-
matgars at the various centres I should confine myself to the
leaders. This would save my energy and be its wisest use. And
so it proved to be. During the five weeks, we visited all the cen-
tres, and the talks lasted for one hour or more at each centre.
I found Khan Saheb to be a very competent and faithful inter-
preter. And as he believed in what I said, he put into the trans-
lation all the force he could command. He is a born orator
and speaks with dignity and effect.
At every meeting I repeated the warning that unless they
felt that in non-violence they had come into possession of a force
infinitely superior to the one they had and in the use of which
they were adepts, they should have nothing to do with non-viol-
ence and resume the arms they possessed before. It must never be
said of Khudai Khidmatgars that once so brave, they had become
or been made cowards under Khan Saheb’s influence. Their bra-
very consisted not in being good marksmen but in defying death
and being ever ready to bare their breasts to the bullets. This
bravery they had to keep intact and be ready to show whenever
occasion demanded. And for the truly brave such occasions oc-
curred often enough without seeking.
This non-violence was not a mere passive quality. It was
the mightiest force God had endowed man with. Indeed, posses-
sion of non-violence distinguished man from the brute creation.
It was inherent in every human being, but in most it lay dor-
mant. Perhaps the word ‘non-violence’ was an inadequate render-
ing of ahimsa which itself was an incomplete connotation of all
it was used for conveying. A better rendering would be love or
goodwill. Violence was to be met by goodwill. And goodwill
came into play only when there was ill will matched against it.
To be good to the good is an exchange at par. A rupee against
a rupee gives no index to its quality. It does when it is
KHUDAI KHIDMATGARS AND BADSHAH KHAN 117
matched against an anna. Similarly a man of goodwill is known
only when he matches himself against one of ill will.
This non-violence or goodwill was to be exercised not only
against Englishmen but it must have full play even among our-
selves. Non-violence against Englishmen may be a virtue of ne-
cessity, and may easily be a cover for cowardice or simple weak-
ness. It may be, as it often is, a mere expedience. Rut it
could not be an expedience when we have an equal choice bet-
ween violence and non-violence. Such instances occur in domes-
tic relations, social and political relations among ourselves, not
only between rival sects of the same faith but persons belonging
to different faiths. We cannot be truly tolerant towards English-
men if we are intolerant towards our neighbours and equals.
Hence our goodwill, if we had it in any degree, would be tested
almost every day. And if we actively exercised it, we would be-
come habituated to its use in wider fields till at last it became
second nature with us.
The very name Khan Saheb had adopted for them showed
that they were to serve, not to injure, humanity. For God took
and needed no personal service. He served His creatures without
demanding any service for Himself in return. He was unique in
this as in many other things. Therefore servants of God were to
be known by the service they rendered to His creatures.
Hence the non-violence of Khudai Khidmatgars had to show
itself in their daily actions. It could be so exhibited only if they
were non-violent in thought, word and deed.
And even as a person who relied upon the use of force in
his daily dealings would have to undergo a military training,
so will a servant of God have to go through a definite training.
This was provided for in the very foundation resolution of the
special Congress of 1920. It was broadened from time to time.
It was never toned down to my knowledge. The exercise of
active goodwill was to be tested through communal unity, shed-
ding of untouchability by Hindus, the home and hand-manufac-
ture and use of khadi — a sure symbol of oneness with the mil-
lions — and prohibition of intoxicating drinks and drugs. This
fourfold programme was called a process of purification and a
sure method of gaining organic freedom for the country. This
programme was followed but half-heartedly by Congressmen
and the country, thus betraying a lack of living faith in non-
violence, or faith in the method devised for its daily practice, or
both. But Khudai Khidmatgars were expected and believed
to have a living faith in non-violence. Therefore they would be
118
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
expected to follow out the whole of the constructive self-purifica-
tion programme of the Congress. I have added to it village sani-
tation, hygiene and simple medical relief in the villages. A Khu-
dai Khidmatgar will be known by his works. He cannot be in a
village without his making it cleaner and affording help to the
villagers in their simple ailments. Hospitals and the like are toys
of the rich and are available for the most part only to the city-
dwellers. Efforts are no doubt being made to cover the land with
dispensaries. But the cost is prohibitive. Whereas the Khudai
Khidmatgars could, with a little but substantial training, easily
give relief in the majority of cases of illnesses that occurred in the
villages.
I told the leaders of the Khudai Khidmatgars that civil dis-
obedience was the end of non-violence, by no means its beginning.
Yet I started in this country at the wrong end in 1918. I was
overwhelmed by necessity. The country had not come to harm
only because I, claiming to be an expert in non-violent tech-
nique, knew when and how to retrace our steps. Suspension of
civil disobedience at Patna was part of the technique. I have
just as much faith in the constructive programme of 1920 as I
had then. I could not lead a campaign of civil disobedience in
terms of puma swaraj without due fulfilment of the programme.
The right to civil disobedience accrues only to those who know
and practise the duty of voluntary obedience to laws whether
made by them or others. Obedience should come not from fear
of the consequences of the breach but because it is the duty to
obey with all our heart and not merely mechanically. With-
out the fulfilment of this preliminary condition, civil disobedience
is civil only in name and never of the strong but of the weak.
It is not charged with goodwill, i. e., non-violence. Khudai
Khidmatgars had shown in unmistakable terms their bravery in
suffering during the civil disobedience days as did many thousands
in the other provinces. But it was not proof positive of goodwill at
heart. And it would be a deterioration in the Pathan if he was non-
violent only in appearance. For he must not be guilty of weakness.
The Khudai Khidmatgars listened to all I said with rapt
attention. Their faith in non-violence is not as yet independent
of Khan Saheb. It is derived from him. But it is none the less
living so long as they have unquestioning faith in their leader who
enjoys undisputed kingdom over their hearts. And Khan Saheb’ s
faith is no lip profession. His whole heart is in it. Let the doubt-
ers live with him as I have all these precious five weeks and
their doubt will be dissolved like mist before the morning sun.
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR 119
This is how the whole tour struck a very well-known
Pathan who met me during the last days of the tour:
I like what you are doing. You are very clever. (I do not know
that cunning is not the right word.) You are making my people braver
than they are. You are teaching them to husband their strength. Of
course it is good to be non-violent up to a point. That they will be under
your teaching. Hitler has perfected the technique of attaining violent ends
without the actual use of violence. But you have bettered even Hitler.
You are giving our men training in non-violence, in dying without killing;
so if ever the occasion comes for the use of force, they will use it as never
before and certainly more effectively than any other body of persons. I
congratulate you.
I was silent and I had no heart to write out a reply to dis-
illusion him. I smiled and became pensive. I like the compli-
ment that the Pathans would be braver than before under my
teaching. I do not know an instance of a person becoming a
coward under my influence. But the friend’s deduction was dead-
ly. If in the last heat the Khudai Khidmatgars prove untrue
to the creed they profess to believe, non-violence was certainly
not in their hearts. The proof will soon come. If they zealously
and faithfully follow the constructive programme, there is no dan-
ger of their fulfilling the prognostication of the critic. But they
will be found among the bravest of men when the test comes.
On THE Train between Delhi and Wardha,
November 11, 1938
Harijan, 19-11-1938
130. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
On the Train (Bhopal),
November 11, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Yes, the lines you have sent me were copied for me by you
before also. I shall have them recited by Babla when he comes.
You should ask him to remind me.
I hope you got my letter' written from Taxila and one^
from Delhi where I had a very busy day, seeing people up to
* This is not traceable.
^ Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, p. 110.
120
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the last moment. But the pressure remained quite good,
166/100.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3888. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N.
7044
131. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
On the Train,
November 11, 1938
chi. MAHADEV,
I am writing this after leaving Bhopal. Shuaib had come.
He inquired after you and added that you had promised him
that on your return you would break journey at Bhopal for two
or three days. I feel that it would be good from every point
of view, if you gave him two or three days. Durga and Babla
will enjoy seeing a good many things there.
As Sushila’s bag had been left behind, Pyarelal got off. He
will come tomorrow.
Herewith your letters, sent by Mirabehn, which I had
opened. I am sending the letter addressed to me also.
Ba is with me. She was tempted to stay on till your return,
but I dissuaded her. Nimu came and saw me. She will now go
to Lakhtar for a few days.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11680
132. LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU
On THE Train,
November 11, 1938
DEAR SISTER,
The Kanya Gurukul celebrates its Annual Day towards the
end of December at Dehra Dun. Acharya Ramdev invariably
asks for someone to be sent for the occasion. I wanted to send
Rajkumari, but she would be at the Women’s Conference. You
also must be going. But it would be good if you could spare a
LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW 121
day at Dehra Dun. Perhaps you already know about the Kanya
Gurukul. It is a good institution.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: C.W. 3081. Courtesy: Rameshwari
Nehru. Also G.N. 7985
133. TELEGRAM TO R. S. RUIKAR^
November 11, 1938
I STRONGLY URGE YOU TO ABANDON FAST. ON REACH-
ING WARDHA, I SHALL DO MY BEST. WIRE REPLY.
The Hindu, 12-11-1938
134. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
Segaon, Wardha,
[On or after November 11, 1938Y
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
Your very kind and full letter of 31st October was sent to me
by Mirabai, whilst I was touring in the Frontier Province. I
knew that she had acknowledged it. But I had fully intended to
express my thanks for the considerate manner in which you dealt
with the question of distress in Hissar.^ Yes, I know that the
Punjab Government is doing all it can. Not knowing the work-
ing of the railway system, I approached the fountain-head.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
H. E. THE Viceroy
Delhi
From a copy : Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy : Pyarelal
^ Mr. R. W. Phulay, General Secretary of the Provincial Trade Union
Congress, was asked to convey this message telegraphically when he came to
see Gandhiji at Nagpur station to draw his attention to the textile workers’
strike at Rajnandgaon and Mr. R. S. Ruikar’s fast since October 29.
2 Gandhiji returned to Segaon after his Frontier tour on November 11,
1938.
3 The reference is to a famine in the Punjab.
135. MASS LITERACY CAMPAIGN IN BIHAR
Dr. Syed Mahmud^ has sent me a copy of his note on the
progress of Mass Literacy Campaign in Bihar. Below will be
found all the relevant paragraphs^ of the instructive note. I
commend to the Minister’s attention Dr. Tao’s note^ on a similar
movement in China. He will find in it perhaps much to copy.
Harijan, 12-11-1938
136. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon,
November 12, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Agatha is sitting in front of me.
The rest from Mahadev’s letter'*. This is just not to miss
the post.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3839. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7045
137. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
November 12, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
You must see me some time before 17th for 30 minutes,
when I shall be on speaking terms. Of course it is joint action
which has resulted in the appointment of trustees. Is it not so?
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10139
* Then Minister for Development and Employment in Bihar
^ Not reproduced here
^ This was published in Harijan, 29-10-1938, 5-11-1938 and 19-11-1938.
Vide “Letter to Mahadev Desai”, p. 123.
122
138. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 12, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
Poor Lila had made preparations for you.
Mirabehn has changed her mind. She has decided to go
to the Frontier Province. I have approved of her plan. Khan
Saheb also wished that she should go. I have now written to
him for his consent. The climate is fine here. Agatha is sitting
in front of me. I have still not broken my silence. I will break
it at two. You must have received my letter written at Itarsi.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11681
139. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 13, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
I got your letter. Your second article is lying with me. It is
certainly going as the leading article. The other one is still lying with
me. I will take it out today. Now I will return it to you here.
I don’t want to send it by registered post, and I am afraid of sending
it by ordinary post. There is no hurry at all. It is “evergreen”.
Rajendra is from U. P. He has been here for the last four
or five months. He is a good man. There is no time for more.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11682
140. NOTE TO KANCHAN M. SHAH
Sunday, November 13, 1938
I could not reply to your letter. But if MunnalaP goes and
you don’t wish to stay in the Mahila Ashram, you may come here.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 8564
* Munnalal G. Shah, addressee’s husband
123
141. THE CONGRESS AND KHADI
I have letters from Bombay, U. P., Bengal and Sind bitterly
complaining that the khadi clause of the Congress constitution is
honoured more in the breach than in the performance. I have
mentioned the four provinces not to have it inferred that in the
other provinces things are better. I have simply referred to these
provinces because there are complaints from them. People in the
other provinces have not perhaps thought it worth while to draw
attention to the evil which is widespread. It may well be that
correspondence on the matter from other provinces has not been
brought to my notice.
The correspondents’ chief complaint is that in selecting Con-
gress candidates for municipalities or local boards, the Congress
officials do not enforce the khadi clause for such candidates. One
correspondent says that the obligation of wearing khadi is waived
because the Congress officials do not find competent enough can-
didates among khadi wearers. This would be a sound reason, if
the dearth of proper khadi-clad men can be proved, for alter-
ing the clause, surely not for committing a deliberate breach of
the Congress constitution. A writer justifies the waiver by argu-
ing that there is no connection between swaraj and khadi. This
again may be a good reason for a change in the constitution
but not for disregarding it. Every Congressman is a potential
civil-resister. The right of civil-disobedience accrues only to
those who perform the duty of voluntarily obeying the laws of
their State, more so the laws of their own making. Therefore,
the Congressmen are taking grave risks when they commit wilful
breaches of the constitution.
And is there no connection between swaraj and khadi ? Were
the Congressmen who made themselves responsible for the khadi
clause in the constitution so dense that they did not see the
fallacy which is obvious to some critics ? I have not hesitated to
say, and I make bold to repeat now, that without khadi there
is no swaraj for the millions, the hungry and the naked, and for
the millions of illiterate women. Habitual use of khadi is a sign
that the wearer identifies himself with the poorest in the land,
that he has patriotism and self-sacrifice enough in him to wear
khadi even though it may not be so soft and elegant in appear-
ance as foreign fineries nor as cheap.
124
THE CONGRESS AND KHADI
125
But my argument has perhaps no force with many Congress-
men when anarchy reigns supreme among them. There is ano-
ther batch of letters in my file which continue to give me fresh
evidence of corruption among Congressmen so called. One
correspondent says bogus members are increasing on a wholesale
scale. The cry comes from Orissa that Congressmen do not hesi-
tate to spread lies in order to enlist members. A Calcutta correspon-
dent tells me that there are original members who have not
paid their own subscriptions. When asked, they say they cannot
spare four annas per year. The correspondent indignantly protests
that these same men spend many four-anna pieces per year on
cinemas. My point however is not that these men can afford
to pay and do not. My point is that if they have not paid
their subscriptions they are not Congressmen and that the register
containing their names requires to be purged of them. A U. P.
correspondent says bribery and corruption are spoiling the good
name of the Congress. He says that Congressmen do not hesitate
to use their influence with Collectors and other officials to have
all sorts of injustices perpetrated for the sake of themselves or
their relatives. And he adds that the services are ill able to
resist the pressure. And he says the growing evil may be worse
than the evil that existed when the services did wrong under in-
structions from British officials. This charge is most damaging
if it is true. It requires careful investigations by the U. P. Gov-
ernment and the provincial Congress command. Indeed, the
whole of the irregularities I have lumped together in this note
require careful and immediate handling by the Working Committee
and the Provincial Congress Committees. If the Congress is not
purged of illegalities and irregularities, it will cease to be the
power it is today and will fail to fulfil expectations when the
real struggle faces the country.
Segaon, November 14, 1938
Harijan, 19-11-1938
142. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon,
November 14, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have your letter. I hope I misunderstood your letter of
yesterday. I loved you all the more for the deep cut I thought
you had made. My love can weather storms and misunderstand-
ings. My regret was and is that my reaction should hurt you.
The scars left by loved ones never last. They heal as soon as
they are made. If they did not, my love would suffer diminu-
tion. I hope therefore that on your part you will laugh at your
folly and lack of faith or my stupidity in putting in your letter a
meaning you had not intended. You must not make yourself sick
over this passing episode.
Of course you could not attend Aryanayakum’s meeting.
But let us hope next year your programme will be better arranged.
Of course I shall write to you about the doings of the Tra-
vancore delegation.
Love.
Warrior
From the original: C.W. 3650. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6459
143. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
November 14, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
Can you come tomorrow, Tuesday ? Bring your work and
take your meal here though not with me. You should take
it after or before me so that you can talk the whole time. I
am having my meal which [I] take between \sic\ 10.30 or there-
abouts. You can have a quiet corner for your work.
Love.
Bapu
[PS.]
You need not worry about Travancore Deputation.
From a photostat: G.N. 01401
126
144. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 14, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
Vallabhbhai came today. The problem of Rajkot has be-
come fairly complicated.* But so long as his stars are favourable,
even things that seem to go against him will end well. Mani
has been showing her mettle.^ I have never seen another daughter
like her.
Your second article is going today. I will hand over to you
personally the one rejected for Harijan. I will go through the one
received today. Chandrashanker is really very ill. I am alarmed.
Mirabehn is going ahead with her preparations for the Fron-
tier Province in anticipation of Khan Saheb’s consent.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I am sending two things shown to me by Mirabehn. You
will understand both.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11683
145. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Segaon,
November 14, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
I got both your letters. If I could send you copies of all my
labours, you would give me the first rank. But let it be enough
for you that I have done all that was possible for me. At last I
* The people of Rajkot had started an agitation against the autocratic
rule of the Prince Dharmendrasinh and his Dewan Virawala. The leaders of
the State were in consultation with Vallabhbhai Patel, who in turn was guided
by Gandhiji.
^ She toured the villages of the State and “sustained the peasants in
their struggle”.
127
128 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
got the accompanying reply. Ramachandran is coming tomor-
row, when I will try again. I will not give up. But it is a
great handicap that one cannot discuss things with him. There
ought to be no secrecy in this regard. Saraswati is free in such
matters. All children are free. I am also returning the letters
you wanted me to return. Don’t be perturbed. Have patience.
I will spare no effort.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7352. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
146. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
November 15, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
What you say about the Ataturk is all true. Why don’t you
write a public letter about his removing the purdah ?
Agatha will be here probably till J.^ returns. She is doing
well. We are discussing things in a leisurely manner.
So M.^ leaves you on 19th. He is in ecstasies over your
affectionate attention. The Travancore deputation is due now.
Hence I must close this.
Love.
Warrior
From the original: C.W. 3651. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6460
147. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 15, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
1 read your note about N. It cannot be sent anywhere for
publication. Not that your argument is incorrect, but why give
so much importance to N. ? We know his ideas. Moreover, to
reply to him is to raise up a hornet’s nest. What is the advan-
tage in publishing N.’s name? His arguments may be analysed
’ Jawaharlal Nehru
2 Mahadev Desai; vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, p. 134.
LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
129
and an indirect reply may be given to him as is often done by
me. I can do this myself but his arguments do not have suffi-
cient substance to deserve that. The proofs cited by you are worth
using. I will see what can be done. I am, therefore, not return-
ing the article. Treat this letter as the last I shall be sending.
I will write tomorrow, however. If you have already left, Raj-
kumari will forward it. I am not sending the other things. As
you will start on the 19th, I assume that you will arrive on the
evening of the 21st.
Madgavkar is arriving tomorrow.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati; S.N. 11684
148. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
November 15, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
I had a talk with R. He knows everything. He first heard
about it from his father. R. has not made a full inquiry, but
from what inquiry he has made, he feels that there is no truth
at all in the matter. P. has completely denied the story
and she says that P. could be believed guilty of such misconduct
only if she also could be believed so. According to him, S. has
seen everything through prejudiced eyes. But he says he will
inquire into the matter further and will write to me. He has
asked me not to worry about S. at all. In this situation, I have
become completely helpless. If S. has committed no errors,
she should boldly narrate what happened, as Devdas did in
regard to Manilal. I would now advise you not to take any
further interest in the matter. Don’t worry. R. has assured me
that he will not let S. come to any harm. Just now she will
stay with her grandparents. She will continue to write to me
and will accept whatever I finally decide.
I would also advise you to write to R. You may even write
through me. If you handle the situation with detachment and
calm, the truth will come out and S. can be saved.
Blessings from
Bapu
68-9
130 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
[PS.]
Just now there are several deputations and so there is a good
deal of pressure on me.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7353. Courtesy: Kantilal
Gandhi
149. LETTER TO PREMABEHN KANTAK
Segaon,
November 15, 1938
CHI. PREMA,
I saw your letter after many days. Is it any wonder that
you win people’s appreciation wherever you go ?
Patwardhan may come whenever he can. The family res-
ponsibilities are always a problem. Illnesses and accidents are
bound to happen. You at any rate ought never to fall ill. The
golden remedy for this is obedience to rules in all things.
You may certainly bring your new friend with you.
Kishorelal had talked to me also. I myself have not been
able to read the book’, but I read the letter^ which has been
objected to. I have found no substance in the objection. Its
publication is likely to do me no harm. I would be harmed only
if I failed to do what I ought to do and did what I ought not
to. I need therefore withdraw nothing. There is one letter
among them which perhaps I would not have permitted to be
published and that too only because of the prevailing social atti-
tudes.
I am sure, moreover, that you had taken all necessary
precautions while publishing the letter.
What Kishorelal has written is well meant. ^ Don’t take it
to heart. Explain courteously your position to him.
I am well.
Khan Saheb has asked for one woman social worker. Your
name was almost on my lips, but I did not like to draw you
’ Vatsalyachi Prasaddiksha, a Marathi translation of Gandhiji’s letters to
the addressee numbering about 90
2 This was the one dated 21-5-1936; vide Vol. LXII, pp. 428-30.
^ Kishorelal had been pained by the storm raised over the book and
had written to the addressee criticizing her action in publishing the letters.
TALK TO TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS DEPUTATION 131
away from your present work. I, therefore, dropped for the
moment the idea of sending you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 6836. Courtesy: Premabehn
Kantak. Also G.N. 10397
150. TALK TO TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS
DEPUTATION'^
November 15, 1938
I have received reports that there has been violence on a
considerable scale in Travancore. On the other hand I have re-
ceived wires from the State Congress dictators saying that there has
been no violence whatever for which they can be held responsible,
that whatever violence there has been was instigated by the auth-
orities. It has been alleged too that there has been secret en-
dorsement of violence by the State Congress people though they
are not directly responsible for it. What I say is that if there
has been mob violence, by whomsoever wrought, it shows that the
State Congress has not acquired sufficient control over the masses.
In that case civil disobedience has to be suspended even as was
done by me more than once. I admit you were behind the pri-
son bars when most of the alleged cases of violence took place. I
appreciate also the fact that you did not get a chance of edu-
cating the masses into discipline. I entirely endorse your view
that the fight should not be merely to wrest a few concessions
from the authorities but for establishing real responsible govern-
ment. But all that, to my mind, makes out a case for doing
more spade-work among the masses. You must build from below.
You tell me that you regard the removal of the Dewan would
help your movement as he is the chief obstacle in your way. If
you persist in the charges, you must be prepared to prove them.
But in my opinion it will have the inevitable result of pushing
the question of responsible government into the background by
bringing to the fore a purely personal issue. I call that playing
the enemy’s game. And you would give the wrong lead to the
people. I do not want you to withdraw the allegations because
they are not true, if you believe in them. I want those allegations
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Why the Withdrawal”. The deputation had
gone to see Gandhiji at Segaon. This, Pyarelal says, is the substance of the
talk.
132
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to be withdrawn because you have a far bigger issue at stake.
The greater includes the less. Removal of the Dewan by itself
would not give you responsible government. A clever dewan
might choose to slip out and remain in the background till the
storm has blown over and in the mean time use a substitute to
crush the movement. Such things have happened before and
will happen again. On the other hand responsible government
includes the power to dismiss ministers according to the popular
will. You can therefore say, without abating an iota from your
charges, you do not want to dissipate your energy by pursuing
these charges. There are the two alternatives before you, both
of them perfectly legitimate. You have to make your choice.
You should know best the psychology of your people. It may
be such that the fight can be best conducted through agitation
to remove the Dewan. Personally, when I weigh the pros and
cons of the matter, I feel like saying you should swallow the bitter
cup and concentrate on getting the reins of power into your hands.
But whatever the decision about the allegations, I would advise
you not to restart civil disobedience just now. You should put
your own house in order. If you keep unadulterated non-violence
at the back of your minds, you would not say, “Let us take time by
the forelock, and now that there is all this energy bubbling forth,
let us consolidate our gains.” You would not capture power by
madly frittering away the energy generated. That way lies dan-
ger. You will, if you follow that, only pave the way for the political
schemers who may exploit the situation for furthering their own
designs. I would therefore ask you to go slow, steadily gathering
all the threads into your hands. You should become a homogene-
ous and disciplined mass by undergoing training in constructive
work and non-violence. You may not take another forward step
without canvassing public opinion inside and outside Travan-
core first.
Apparently there may be no connection between constructive
work and non-violence; but there is an internal logic connecting
the two when constructive work is taken up as a part of a non-
violence programme. The National Flag, for instance, was con-
ceived as a symbol of unity, purity and non-violence. It is the place
that we have given it in our non-violence programme that gives
it its significance and importance; by itself it has no virtue. In
prosecuting your constructive programme, you must always keep
the background of non-violence before your mind.
Then I should ask students to remain apart from the civil
disobedience part of the struggle and should not carry on any
TALK TO TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS DEPUTATION 133
propaganda in their midst. It is not proper to ask students of
school-going age to do such work. It is a sign of weakness. It
is like asking children to undergo suffering for their parents.
But the students can and ought to take part in the struggle
by becoming adepts in charkha and other items in the construc-
tive programme, as the Chinese students are doing while the fight
against Japan is going on. The Chinese students are working to
preserve the essentials of Chinese culture through their programme
of New Education. They are helping to create a national spirit
which will remain unsubdued irrespective of the fortunes of the
Chinese arms on the battle field.
The satyagraha struggle in British India had two aspects,
non-violent non-co-operation with the Government and co-opera-
tion among the people themselves. Both these aspects should cons-
tantly be kept before the mind’s eye. The constructive pro-
gramme that I have set before you necessitates perfect co-operation
among all the sections. You will therefore go among the Pulayas
and the Pariahs, fraternize with them and appeal to them as
fellow countrymen and equals to come out and take their due
share in the sacred fight along with the Brahmins, Ezhawas,
Christians and others. You must all become one. You dare not
leave out or antagonize a single section or community without
stultifying yourselves and damaging your fight.
Then there is the prohibition work. You would not picket
just now, but you would visit the drunkards in their homes and
strive with them. Even if you do not succeed in producing
immediate tangible results, it will put your struggle on a moral
plane and add strength and momentum to it.
Travancore people, both men and women, are so simple in
their habits. They wear white and need very little cloth to pro-
tect them against the elements. They can easily produce all the
khadi they need. Travancore need not import a single yard of
cloth or even khadi from outside. This means that there should
be a spinning-wheel in every home.
And khadi should be linked with liberty. All the time you
are spinning, you would not think in terms of your own require-
ments but in terms of the requirements of the nation. You will
say, T want to clothe the whole nation that is naked and I must
do it non- violently.’ Each time you draw a thread, say to your-
selves, ‘We are drawing the thread of swaraj.’ Multiply this pic-
ture millionfold and you have freedom knocking at your door.
Harijan, 28-1-1939
151. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
November 16, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Why do you say when Mahadev leaves you you won’t have
to write to me (I suppose you mean so regularly) ? If you have
the time I do want you to write regularly. I may fail to do
likewise. But you have always permitted me that latitude.
I hope you will have a kind of relaxation after his departure.
Though it was a pleasure to you to have him with you it was
undoubtedly a tax on your attention and energy.
The Travancore deputation was finished today. They appeared
to be good men. They have real difficulty in withdrawing the
allegations. But they have not given me a conclusive answer. They
will put the pros and cons before their W. C. and then come to a
decision. How I wish you could have been present during the con-
versations. I gave them four hours. Ramachandran is still here.
Love.
Tyrant
If Mahadev is there when this is received tell him he should
give a day or two to Bhopal if he can.
From the original: C.W. 3890. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7046
152. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon,
November 16, 1938
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I hope both you and Indu have benefited by the voyage.
I am expecting you to be in Wardha about 20th. But of course
you will come as early as you wish. You have tough problems
awaiting solution.
Love to you both.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1938. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
134
153. DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR THAKORE SAHEB
OF RAJKOT^
[Before November 19, 1938Y
1. After having observed the growth of popular feeling and
the regrettable sufferings of our people during the last few
months for the redress of what they understood to be their griev-
ances, and after having discussed the whole situation with the
Council and Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel, we are convinced the present
struggle and sufferings should end immediately.
2. We have decided to appoint a committee of ten gentle-
men who should be subjects or servants of our State, three of
whom will be State officers and seven subjects of our State
whose names will be declared hereafter. The President of the
committee will be a person appointed by His Highness.
3. This committee shall draw up by the end of January,
after proper investigation, a report to us recommending a scheme
of reforms so as to give the widest possible powers to our people
consistently with our obligation to the Paramount Power and
with our prerogatives as a Ruling Chief.
4. It is our desire that our Privy Purse shall henceforth
be regulated in the manner laid down in the circular of the
Chamber of Princes.
5. We desire furthermore to assure our people that we
intend to consider and give effect to the scheme that may be
reported to us by the said committee.
6. It being understood that all unconstitutional agitation
shall immediately cease, as a necessary prelude to restore peace
and goodwill, we hereby grant full amnesty and release immed-
iately all political prisoners and remit all fines and withdraw all
repressive measures.
Harijan, 4-2-1939
* This was signed by Dharmendrasinh, Thakore Saheb of Rajkot on
December 26 after talks with Vallabhbhai Patel.
2 Vide “Letter to Vallabhbhai Patel”, pp. 136-7, where Gandhiji mentions
having drafted the statement.
135
154. PROHIBITION IN SALEM DISTRICT
The Syndicate of the Annamalai University deputed Shri C.
Jagannathachari to study the problem of prohibition in Salem
District under the guidance and direction of Professor B. V. Nara-
yanaswami Naidu. I have been favoured with a summary of the
report from which I take the following excerptsh
Harijan, 19-11-1938
155. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR
Ward HA,
November 19, 1938
Rajkumari Amrit Kaur
Manorville
Simla West
HOPE DESPONDENCY GONE CHEERFULNESS RETURNED. LOVE.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 3891. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7047
156. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
November 19, 1938
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
Please study the statement^ which I have drafted after discus-
sions with Anantrai^ and Nanabhai. If you approve of it, the
Thakore Saheb may act accordingly and satyagraha should be
withdrawn. Decide the names of the members of the Committee
in consultation with Bhai Anantrai. The people’s representatives
should be in a majority in the Committee. If this is accepted, I
’ These are not reproduced here.
2 Vide “Draft of Statement for Thakore Saheb of Rajkot”, p. 135.
^ Anantrai Pattani, Dewan of Bhavnagar
136
THE JEWS
137
think we should be satisfied. There is no mention of responsible
government in my draft, but I think it is clearly implied.
Blessings from
Bapu
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
P uRUSHOTTAM BuiLDING
Opp. Opera House, Bombay 4
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Batro~2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, pp. 1TI-2>
157. THE JEWS
Several letters have been received by me asking me to de-
clare my views about the Arab- Jew question in Palestine and the
persecution of the Jews in Germany. It is not without hesitation
that I venture to offer my views on this very difficult question.
My sympathies are all with the Jews. I have known them
intimately in South Africa. Some of them became life-long com-
panions. Through these friends I came to learn much of their
age-long persecution. They have been the untouchables of Christ-
ianity. The parallel between their treatment by Christians and
the treatment of untouchables by Hindus is very close. Religious
sanction has been invoked in both cases for the justification of
the inhuman treatment meted out to them. Apart from the
friendships, therefore, there is the more common universal reason
for my sympathy for the Jews.
But my sympathy does not blind me to the requirements of
justice. The cry for the national home for the Jews does not
make much appeal to me. The sanction for it is sought in the
Bible and the tenacity with which the Jews have hankered after
return to Palestine. Why should they not, like other peoples of
the earth, make that country their home where they are born
and where they earn their livelihood?
Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that Eng-
land belongs to the English or France to the French. It is wrong
and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs. What is going on
in Palestine today cannot be justified by any moral code of con-
duct. The mandates have no sanction but that of the last war.
Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the
proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly
or wholly as their national home.
138
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The nobler course would be to insist on a just treatment of
the Jews wherever they are born and bred. The Jews born in
France are French in precisely the same sense that Christians
born in France are French. If the Jews have no home but Pales-
tine, will they relish the idea of being forced to leave the other
parts of the world in which they are settled ? Or do they want a
double home where they can remain at will? This cry for the
national home affords a colourable justification for the German
expulsion of the Jews.
But the German persecution of the Jews seems to have no
parallel in history. The tyrants of old never went so mad as
Hitler seems to have gone. And he is doing it with religious
zeal. For he is propounding a new religion of exclusive and
militant nationalism in the name of which any inhumanity be-
comes an act of humanity to be rewarded here and hereafter. The
crime of an obviously mad but intrepid youth is being visited
upon his whole race with unbelievable ferocity. If there ever
could be a justifiable war in the name of and for humanity, a
war against Germany, to prevent the wanton persecution of a
whole race, would be completely justified. But I do not believe
in any war. A discussion of the pros and cons of such a war is
therefore outside my horizon or province.
But if there can be no war against Germany, even for such a
crime as is being committed against the Jews, surely there can be
no alliance with Germany. How can there be alliance between a
nation which claims to stand for justice and democracy and one
which is the declared enemy of both? Or is England drifting
towards armed dictatorship and all it means ?
Germany is showing to the world how efficiently violence
can be worked when it is not hampered by any hypocrisy or
weakness masquerading as humanitarianism. It is also showing
how hideous, terrible and terrifying it looks in its nakedness.
Can the Jews resist this organized and shameless persecution ?
Is there a way to preserve their self-respect, and not to feel helpless,
neglected and forlorn? I submit there is. No person who has
faith in a living God need feel helpless or forlorn. Jehovah of the
Jews is a God more personal than the God of the Christians, the
Mussalmans or the Hindus, though, as a matter of fact in essence.
He is common to all and one without a second and beyond de-
scription. But as the Jews attribute personality to God and be-
lieve that He rules every action of theirs, they ought not to feel
helpless. If I were a Jew and were born in Germany and earned
my livelihood there, I would claim Germany as my home even
THE JEWS
139
as the tallest gentile German may, and challenge him to shoot me
or cast me in the dungeon; I would refuse to be expelled or to
submit to discriminating treatment. And for doing this, I should
not wait for the fellow Jews to join me in civil resistance but
would have confidence that in the end the rest are bound to
follow my example. If one Jew or all the Jews were to accept
the prescription here offered, he or they cannot be worse off than
now. And suffering voluntarily undergone will bring them an
inner strength and joy which no number of resolutions of sympa-
thy passed in the world outside Germany can. Indeed, even if
Britain, France and America were to declare hostilities against
Germany, they can bring no inner joy, no inner strength. The
calculated violence of Hitler may even result in a general massacre
of the Jews by way of his first answer to the declaration of such
hostilities. But if the Jewish mind could be prepared for volun-
tary suffering, even the massacre I have imagined could be
turned into a day of thanksgiving and joy that Jehovah had
wrought deliverance of the race even at the hands of the tyrant.
For to the godfearing, death has no terror. It is a joyful
sleep to be followed by a waking that would be all the more
refreshing for the long sleep.
It is hardly necessary for me to point out that it is easier for
the Jews than for the Czechs to follow my prescription. And
they have in the Indian satyagraha campaign in South Africa
an exact parallel. There the Indians occupied precisely the same
place that the Jews occupy in Germany. The persecution had
also a religious tinge. President Kruger used to say that the
white Christians were the chosen of God and Indians were infe-
rior beings created to serve the whites. A fundamental clause in
the Transvaal constitution was that there should be no equality
between the whites and coloured races including Asiatics. There
too the Indians were consigned to ghettos described as locations.
The other disabilities were almost of the same type as those of
the Jews in Germany. The Indians, a mere handful, resorted to
satyagraha without any backing from the world outside or the
Indian Government. Indeed the British officials tried to dissuade
the satyagrahis from their contemplated step. World opinion and
the Indian Government came to their aid after eight years of
fighting. And that too was by way of diplomatic pressure not of
a threat of war.
But the Jews of Germany can offer satyagraha under
infinitely better auspices than the Indians of South Africa. The
Jews are a compact, homogeneous community in Germany. They
140
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
are far more gifted than the Indians of South Africa. And they
have organized world opinion behind them. I am convinced that
if someone with courage and vision can arise among them to
lead them in non-violent action, the winter of their despair can
in the twinkling of an eye be turned into the summer of hope.
And what has today become a degrading man-hunt can be turn-
ed into a calm and determined stand offered by unarmed men
and women possessing the strength of suffering given to them by
Jehovah. It will be then a truly religious resistance offered against
the godless fury of dehumanized man. The German Jews will
score a lasting victory over the German gentiles in the sense that
they will have converted the latter to an appreciation of human
dignity. They will have rendered service to fellow-Germans and
proved their title to be the real Germans as against those who
are today dragging, however unknowingly, the German name
into the mire.
And now a word to the Jews in Palestine. I have no doubt
that they are going about it the wrong way. The Palestine of
the Biblical conception is not a geographical tract. It is in their
hearts. But if they must look to the Palestine of geography as
their national home, it is wrong to enter it under the shadow of
the British gun. A religious act cannot be performed with the
aid of the bayonet or the bomb. They can settle in Palestine
only by the goodwill of the Arabs. They should seek to convert
the Arab heart. The same God rules the Arab heart who rules
the Jewish heart. They can offer satyagraha in front of the
Arabs and offer themselves to be shot or thrown into the Dead
Sea without raising a little finger against them. They will find
the world opinion in their favour in their religious aspiration.
There are hundreds of ways of reasoning with the Arabs, if they
will only discard the help of the British bayonet. As it is, they
are co-sharers with the British in despoiling a people who have
done no wrong to them.
I am not defending the Arab excesses. I wish they had cho-
sen the way of non-violence in resisting what they rightly regard-
ed as an unwarrantable encroachment upon their country. But
according to the accepted canons of right and wrong, nothing can
be said against the Arab resistance in the face of overwhelming
odds.
Let the Jews who claim to be the chosen race prove their
title by choosing the way of non-violence for vindicating their
position on earth. Every country is their home including Pales-
tine not by aggression but by loving service. A Jewish friend has
LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
141
sent me a book called The Jewish Contribution to Civilization by
Cecil Roth. It gives a record of what the Jews have done to
enrich the world’s literature, art, music, drama, science, medicine,
agriculture, etc. Given the will, the Jew can refuse to be treated
as the outcaste of the West, to be despised or patronized. He
can command the attention and respect of the world by being
man, the chosen creation of God, instead of being man who is
fast sinking to the brute and forsaken by God. They can add to
their many contributions the surpassing contribution of non-viol-
ent action.
Segaon, November 20, 1938
Harijan, 26-11-1938
158. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
November 20, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
I had got your letter. You must have got mine. After writing
to you, I discussed the matter with R. I have not been able
to convince him. He says that there must have been some mistake
in what S. saw and that the same charge was levelled against
you regarding your relations with P. Ultimately it was proved
that there was nothing in it. All the same, says R., he will make
a full inquiry. But he adds: “Suppose my sister has fallen, is it
not S.’s duty to bring her mother to her senses? Was it right
for her to run down to you? Have we, who have brought her
up, who have given her love, and separation from whom has made
her shed tears, ceased to be of any value ? If you order, I will
certainly bring S. before you even to tell her this.” In these
circumstances, how could I insist any further? Now it is for S.
to show courage. She should boldly prove P.’s misconduct, and
having shown that she cannot reform P. she should try to come
to me. P. may have gone astray but all the others cannot be
like her. Don’t become impatient. It is not proper that you
should give up hope of P. Her love for you has not diminished.
If it has, cannot the betrothal be cancelled even after it has
been made public? But he does not even dream of such a step.
You have become a part of that family. You should believe
that there is still room for further inquiry in this matter. How-
ever that be, I do not want you to let this affair trouble you or
take your time. Whatever type of woman P. may be, S. is
certainly not going to be affected. It will be enough if she
142 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
remains engrossed in her duty. Write to her and ask her to write
to me as frankly as she does to you. If she is afraid that some-
one might read her letters, I will tear them up after reading
them, as I do R. K.’s. Her letters are given to me unopened, as
also others which are marked “Private”, “Personal”, or anything
to that effect. I want that not you but I should worry about
S. You are also not right in believing that it was wrong to have
made your betrothal public.
I hope you are well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Jawaharlal arrives tomorrow.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7354. Courtesy: Kantilal
Gandhi
159. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
November 21, 1938
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I do hope you had my note’ in Bombay. I could not take
silence before 2 o’clock. I hope you will have a little quiet till
then and enjoy it after the strenuous time in Bombay. Hope
Indu is well.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1938. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
Vide “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru”, p. 134.
160. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
November 21, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
In a few minutes Jawaharlal will be here. I seize them
for these few lines. The doleful strain still runs through your
letters. Long or short, your letters are welcome and they get
read in spite of heavy work.
Your note' on Kemal I had to amend in parts. You will
see the corrections which I know you won’t mind.
Mira will be going on Wednesday to Bombay for her eyes
and thence to the Frontier P[rovince]. I think it is better she
goes there first.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3652. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6461
161. LETTER TO GIRDHARILAL
Segaon, Wardha,
November 21, 1938
dear LALA GIRDHARILAL,
There is no question of distrust.^ We all feel that you
cannot possibly do justice to your position, being continuously
absent from Amritsar. The work suffers. But you can come and
explain before your resignation is submitted to the Board. But
then you should not be long in coming. I shall not be in
Segaon in January. It would be better if you can come before
15th December.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
' This was published in Harijan, 26-11-1938, under “Notes”, sub-title, “The
Late Kemal Ataturk”.
^ VideYol. LXVII, “Letter to Lala Girdharilal”, p. 403.
143
162. FOREWORD TO “THE BROTHERHOOD OE
RELIGIONS^'
These essays of Sophia Wadia show at a glance how much
similarity there is between the principal faiths of the earth in the
fundamentals of life. All our mutual quarrels centre round non-
essentials. Sophia Wadia’s labours will be amply rewarded if peo-
ple belonging to different faiths will study faiths other than their
own, with the same reverence that she has exhibited in her ess-
ays. An understanding knowledge of and respect for the great
faiths of the world is the foundation of true Theosophy — Wisdom
about God.
M. K. Gandhi
Segaon, Wardha, November 23, 1938
The Brotherhood of Religions
163. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon,
November 24, 1938
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I have your note. I knew that once you were in harness
you won’t be master of your own time. I shall be satisfied with
what I get.
Here is a letter delivered through messenger from Gurudev.
I have replied saying my personal opinion was that he needed
to be free from the Presidential work, if he was to rid Bengal of
corruption. I have no doubt Gurudev will write to you directly
or talk to you. You will give your own opinion.
I hope Indu was none the worse for the journey.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1938. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Also A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 298
144
164. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon,
November 25, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I had intended during the day to write to you but I could
not. You must regain full control over your sleep. You must
learn the art of producing a blank in the head at night. I under-
stand what you say about Shummy. May everything turn out
as it should.
Did I tell you that the programme is to pass January in
Bardoli? You are to come to Bardoli. The whole of December
will be spent here.
I had good talks with Jawaharlal on all sorts of topics. But
I must not describe them. Most of my time is passed in giving
interviews.
Mahadev is not extra well. For the time being he stays
here.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3892. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7048
165. NOTE ON LETTER TO DR. N. B. KHARE^
November 25, 1938
Evidently the writer of the letter at the back addressed yours
to me by mistake, and you must have received what was meant
for me. Anyway, the mistake enables me to know that you have
been ailing and hope that this finds you fully restored.
The Bombay Chronicle, 1-12-1938
* The letter addressed to Dr. Khare by a student from Kanpur had
been posted to Gandhiji by oversight.
68-10
145
166. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
November 25, 1938
CHI. KARA,
I see no need for withdrawing the 1100 copies of Prema’s
book' and issuing a new edition. When the time comes for a
new edition, we may think of omitting something. Prema’s argu-
ment appears correct to me. I think we should see what effect
the 1100 copies have.
Chandan^ may now go to Delhi whenever she wishes. The
earlier she goes, the better. Bal’s letter was interesting. Let him
retain possession as a trustee. He may even be given a special
right in that capacity. It is desirable that he should keep nothing
as heir.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Send the accompanying^ to Bal, if you approve it.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7977
167. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
November 26, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I won’t be satisfied till you can report that you are getting
good sleep without difficulty.
This according to your instruction goes to Jullundur.
Your letter to Barnabas is good but very hastily drafted.
They may join the Congress in their thousands but why may
they not have a separate organization of themselves to consider
many questions that specially affect them. For social and reli-
gious uplift they need an organization. If they do not have it,
' Vatsalyachi Prasaddiksha; vide “Letter to Premabehn Kantak”, pp. 130-1.
^ Ghandan Parekh, who later married the addressee’s son, Satish
^ Not traceable
146
LETTER TO MIRABEHN
147
they are likely to tire of the Congress for the Congress won’t con-
tribute to their all-round uplift. I am therefore not dealing with
it in Harijan. You should discuss this with me when you come.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
How I wish I had known that the toga had to be kept for
you! However you do not mind Indu wearing it.
From the original: C.W. 3893. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7049
168. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon,
November 26, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
I hope you had mine of yesterday. This is just to tell you
that now that you are gone everybody misses you. Your room
is more than full. Mahadev is not going anywhere, for the time
being at any rate.
Love.
Bapu
[PS.]
B.P. 160/98
Shri Mirabehn
C/o Seth Mathuradas Tricumjee
74 Walkeshwar Road
Bombay
From the original: C.W. 6415. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10010
169. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
November 26, 1938
CHI. KANTI,
I am trying to call over S. in my own way.
When the time for your medical studies comes, I shall see
about your increased expenses.
I am trying to find Dharmdevji’s letter. If I find it, I will
reply to him, otherwise I will ask for a copy.
Take care of your health. Learn the art of preserving it.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Mahadev has arrived. He will take time to resume work.
He is in Segaon just now.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7355. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
170. LETTER TO AN AND T. HINGORANI
November 26, 1938
CHI. ANAND,
I have sent your letter on to Father and have also written
him a good letter. He will melt. Hope Vidya is well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Flindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India
and Anand T. Hingorani
148
1 71 . NON-CO-OPERATORS
Several letters have been lying on my file from Congressmen
who non-co-operated during the non-co-operation days. Among
these were those also who resigned Government services. Some
of these are now agitating for reinstatement. They quote in sup-
port my appeal to the public including Government servants to
non-co-operate. Among the sufferers who have, to my knowl-
edge, not agitated for restoration are the resisters who were fined,
the relatives who lost their bread-winners, the lawyers who gave
up their practice and were reduced to penury, and the students
who gave up their studies and consequent prospects. They think
the suffering voluntarily undergone was its own reward and de-
mands no further compensation.
If all these were to claim restoration from the Congress Min-
isters, the latter’s lot would be truly unenviable and they would
have little work to do save that of adjudging claims. They
would also have to raise money for discharging claims that must
amount to several crores. Moreover, it would be difficult for the
discharged Government servants who gave up their jobs whether
compulsorily or voluntarily to show that the cases of other sufferers
were less hard than theirs.
In my opinion these ex-Government-servants as a class were
the least sufferers. And if they have been without work all these
years, they can hardly become efficient servants of the State.
Government service for Congressmen is not an avenue to material
advancement; it should be an avenue to service. Therefore only
those Congressmen may enter Government service whose market
value is higher than that they can get from the Government.
They can be employed only when they are wanted. There should
be no such thing as Congress patronage.
A war, whether violent or non-violent, loses its thrill and its
grandeur if the warriors are insured against all loss. A satya-
grahi to be worthy of the name stands to lose all without ex-
pectation of any compensation in the future. His merit lies in
his undergoing the uttermost sacrifice. Indeed the Congress
machinery will fall to pieces if men come to it to better their
prospects in life. And if the Congress Ministers are expected
to satisfy personal ambition they will be themselves discredited
and bring down the prestige of the Congress in the end.
149
150
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I hope the reader will not fail to note the difference between
this and the restoration of lands which were vindictively sold for
a song by the preceding Government administration. There the
restoration was easily possible and was a duty. It was like restor-
ing a bit of country taken away by the victor.
If another civil disobedience campaign becomes necessary,
the Government will think fifty times before selling people’s land
and unpatriotic persons will not dare to profit at the expense of
patriots.
Segaon, November 27, 1938
Harijan, 3-12-1938
172. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon,
November 27 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is for the sake merely of telling you that I have your
letter and that all is well. Mahadev seems to be progressing. I
wish you could say the same of you.
Here is the Aundh party coming. Jairamdas has also come
in. He is looking much better.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3894. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7050
173. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon,
November 27\ 1938
CHI. MIRA,
Your letter. I shall attend to all your instructions. I do
hope your eyes will be so suited as not to cause any trouble for
some years to come.
Govind^ may go astray. Kaka offered him a job but he has
not even put in an appearance. A mission has begun operations
’ In the source ‘28’ seems to have been corrected to ‘27’.
^ An inmate of the Ashram working with the addressee
STATES AND THE PEOPLE
151
here and Govind has offered his services. I hear he has now gone
to Nagpur to satisfy his would-be employers. He may prove
an enemy of his people and Segaon. I do not want you to worry
about him. I shall do all I can to wean him. But the lure of
money is too great a temptation for poor peoples. Everything
else is going well. Mahadev is well. Verrier and his sister came
in today. They are passing the afternoon here.
I have been taking silence from 7 p.m. to 2 p.m. next day.
So the speaking is confined to 5 hours. But it is incessant for
those hours. I must cut off that too, if I am to have the full
benefit.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6416. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10011
174. STATES AND THE PEOPLE
The almost simultaneous awakening in the various States is a
very significant event in the national struggle for independence.
It will be wrong to think that such awakening can be due to the
instigation of one person or a body of persons or any organiza-
tion. It is just possible that the Haripura resolution of the Cong-
ress put the people of the States on their mettle and they realized
as never before that their salvation depended upon their own
labours. But above all it is the time spirit that has brought about
the awakening. It is to be hoped that the Princes and their
advisers will recognize it and meet the legitimate aspirations of
the people. There is no half-way house between total extinc-
tion of the States and the Princes making their people respon-
sible for the administration of their States and themselves becoming
trustees for the people, taking an earned commission for their
labours.
I hope, therefore, the rumour is not true that the British
Government are likely, at the instance of some Princes or their
Dewans, to announce a change in the policy recently enunciated
by Earl Winterton, about the ability of the Princes to grant res-
ponsible government to their people. If any of them have
asked the British Government to reverse the policy, they have
undoubtedly done a disservice to themselves. And if the British
Government respond to the unworthy wish, they will precipitate a
first-class crisis whose magnitude it is difficult to foretell. I must
152
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
refuse to believe that the British Government can commit such a
blunder. Earl Winterton’s announcement was but an endorsement
of past practice. They are not known to have ever interfered
with the States giving powers to their people, however wide they
might be.
I go a step further. Even as the British Government, as the
Paramount Power, are bound to protect the Princes against harm
from outside or within, they are equally or a fortiori bound to
ensure just rule on the part of the Princes. Hence it is their
bounden duty, when they supply the police or the military to
any State, to see that there is a proper emergency justifying the
request and that the military or the police will be used with becom-
ing restraint. From Dhenkanal have come to me stories of
fiendish cruelty exercised by the State myrmidons under the shadow
of the police supplied by the Paramount Power. I asked for
evidence in support of some of the unnamable cruelties. And
I have enough to inspire belief.
Indeed, it is a question whether responsible Ministers in the
provinces have not a moral responsibility in respect of the people
of the States in their respective provinces. Under the Constitution,
the Ministers have no power over them. The Governor is the
agent of the Viceroy who is the representative of the Paramount
Power. But the Ministers in autonomous provinces have surely a
moral responsibility regarding what happens in the States. So
long as the States and the people are satisfied. Ministers have no
worry. But have they none if there is, say, a virulent epidemic in
the States which, if neglected, may easily overtake the province
in which they are situated? Have they none when there is a
moral epidemic which seems to be raging in Dhenkanal ?
I understand that the persecuted people are taking refuge in
British Orissa. Can the Ministers refuse them shelter? How
many can they take charge of? Whatever happens in these States
affects for better or for worse the province as a whole. I do
believe, therefore, that the Ministers by reason of the heavy res-
ponsibility resting on their shoulders have the moral right, within
strict limits, to assert themselves for the sake of internal peace and
decency. They cannot look on with unconcern while the people
of the States — an arbitrary creation of the Paramount Power — are
being ground to dust as they in Dhenkanal are reported to be.
One reads in the papers that some concessions have been
given to the people of Dhenkanal. I do not know whether the
report is true and whether the relief answers the purpose for
STATES AND THE PEOPLE
153
which the people of Dhenkanal are fighting and suffering. It is,
however, irrelevant to the issue raised by me. I feel that the
Ministers in the provinces are morally bound to take notice of
gross misrule in the States within their borders and to tender advice
to the Paramount Power as to what, in their opinion, should
be done. The Paramount Power, if it is to enjoy friendly rela-
tions with the provincial Ministers, is bound to give sympathetic
ear to their advice.
There is one other matter which demands the urgent atten-
tion of the States and their advisers. They fight shy of the very
name Congress. They regard Congressmen as outsiders, foreign-
ers and what not. They may be all that in law. But man-made
law, if it is in conflict with the natural law, becomes a dead
letter when the latter operates in full force. The people of the
States look up to the Congress in all matters affecting their inter-
est. Many of them are members of the Congress. Some like
Shri Jamnalalji hold high offices in the Congress organization.
In the eyes of the Congress there is no distinction between mem-
bers from the States and from India called British. It is surely
detrimental to the interests of the States to ignore the Congress or
Congressmen, especially when it or they seek to render friendly
assistance. They must recognize the fact that the people in the
States are in many cases guided by the Congress. They know
that I am responsible for the policy of non-interference hitherto
followed by the Congress. But with the growing influence of the
Congress it is impossible for me to defend it in the face of injus-
tice perpetrated in the States. If the Congress feels that it has
the power to offer effective interference, it will be bound to do
so when the call comes. And if the Princes believe that the good
of the people is also their good, they would gratefully seek and
accept the Congress assistance. It is surely in their interest to
cultivate friendly relations with an organization which bids fair
in the future, not very distant, to replace the Paramount Power,
let me hope, by friendly arrangement. Will they not read the
handwriting on the wall?
Segaon, November 28, 1938
Harijan, 3-12-1938
175. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
November 28, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I shall be ready to write to Sd as soon as you free me from
the restraint. The suspense should cease, if it is at [all] possible.
Today is Harijan day. Your absence is most felt on Mondays.
Of course you can do a lot if you could be here and kept fit.
I understand about Narandas. I am sending him your note,
which is sweet.
Mahadev is well.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3895. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7051
176. LETTER TO MOTILAL ROT
Segaon, Wardha,
November 28, 1938
DEAR MOTI BABU,
My sympathies are with you but equity and justice make me
lean towards the A. I. S. A. I relied upon your integrity and
business ability. If you must have reduction please start payment
and rely upon getting it when you have paid what you contem-
plate. Is not that right and fair? But I would still plead with
you to ask the co-workers to put forth redoubled effort to pay the
debt due to a sister Association, which is run wholly for Dari-
dranarayana.
Love.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 11052
* Shumshere Singh
154
177. LETTER TO N ARANDAS GANDHI
November 28, 1938
CHI. NARANDAS,
I had got your letter. On the basis of it I wrote a couple
of lines, not to complain but for information. I am enclosing
the reply to that. Destroy the letter after reading it.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
If you see anything to criticize in the movement, please
regard it as your duty to let me know about it.
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8554. Court-
esy: Narandas Gandhi
178. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
November 28, 1938
CHI. MANI,
I have got your letter. I had not expected that you would
be able to write in the midst of so much pressure of work. I am
watching your exploits even from this distance. You seem to
have earned great merit in your previous life. I never had any
doubt about your courage. As far as possible, don’t court im-
prisonment. That is the Rajkot people’s job.
I hope you are taking care of your health.
Blessings from
Bapu
Manibehn Patel
Near Telegraph Office
Rajkot
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 122
155
179. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon,
November 28, 1938
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I am enclosing a letter from Bhavnagar. I have sent a wire
asking the man to await a letter before sending any more
batches. Participation by students in this manner seems to me
altogether improper.
It also does not seem proper that subjects of other States
should send batches from places outside Rajkot. This is com-
pletely contrary to our policy. That batch does not want and will
not get swaraj. Its going to Rajkot will increase ill will and
cover up the weaknesses of the Rajkot people if there are any.
What will we gain by their weaknesses being covered up? The
mettle of the people of Rajkot will shine only as much as it is
worth. We may help it to shine brighter, but that can be done
only by promoting growth among the Rajkot people themselves.
If you agree with this, stop the batches from outside and stop all
students from joining. I can write much more, but where is
the time? It doesn’t matter, though.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 229
180. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI
Segaon, Wardha,
November 29, 1938
CHI. PRABHA,
A letter for Jayaprakash is enclosed. I hope it will reach in
time. I am writing this letter at 3.45 a. m. Take care of Jaya-
prakash’s health. I do not know how yours is. I see that you
both could see Kanti. I am glad. Didn’t I inform you that
we would be going to Bardoli on January 1 ? We will be
156
LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI
157
there for a month. You may come there. Jayaprakash also may
come. But he is a fakir, absorbed in himself and lost in his own
dreams. How can I expect him to pass some time with me?
He will not be able to get anything from me and he may
not even like some aspects of my life. What is the remedy?
I am glad that you remain busy in his service. My health
is fine.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 3524
181. LETTER TO VIJATA N. PATEL
Segaon,
November 29, 1938
CHI. VIJAYA,
I am writing this before the morning prayer. My health
is excellent. Ba is fairly well. It is great news indeed that you
have recovered. Now you need not come here at present for I
expect to be at Bardoli on the 2nd of January. You are already
there.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7103. Also C.W. 4595.
Courtesy: Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
182. LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI
November 29, 1938
MY DEAR SHUAIB,
Zakir telegraphed Big Brother’s death.' What happened?
I wrote to him only the other day about his daughter’s death.
I tried to come near him but failed. Cannot his death be
turned to the end for which in his best moments he tried his utmost ?
This death is a tragedy. It will be doubled if no steps are taken
to bring the two together. How it can be done is more than I
' Shaukat Ali died on November 27, 1938, at Delhi.
158
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
can say. I am working at it in my own way. But that is not
enough.
Love.
Bapu
From a facsimile: Madhya Pradesh aur Gandhiji, p. 127
183. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
November 29, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
The cause of yesterday’s suffocation was that the water was
too hot. I also had such experience. If the heat is gradually
increased, no discomfort is felt. It is desirable to begin with
near-body temperature. The bucket of hot water should be kept
just near. This is, of course, to be followed by cold water. It
would be best to take the hip-bath in the afternoon. This will
cost you some time but let not that worry you.
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11685
184. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
November 29, 1938
CHI. SUSHILA,
Read the accompanying letter and send it to Manilal. Don’t
change the January date. You may stay there as long as you
desire. Whenever you wish to run up here, you will have every
right to do so. I was thinking only of Nanabhai and Vijaya-
lakshmi. You also would naturally desire to stay with your
parents.
In my present condition, I can give you nothing. I cannot
spare even a minute for talking with you. And I would not wish
that you should come here only in order that I could see your
face every day and smile at you. Ba would not accept service
from you. She is no longer ill. Having regard to all this, I
leave it to you whether you should come here. I will leave this
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR 159
place on January 1 for Bardoli. If you wish to come there,
you may do so for three or four days.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Kishorelal and Gomati came and met me. Why does not
Sita write? How is her health? How is Arun?
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4889
185. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
November 30, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This is the first letter I take up at 3.30 a.m.
I have your time-table. This is therefore being posted to
Delhi.
Mahadev is having better nights than in Simla showing that
the improvement continues. Perhaps the intense cold of Simla
might not have agreed with him. Here unlike as before, he is
sleeping under the open sky. The weather is quite mild. For
three or four days I slept on the verandah. S. has permitted me
to come out. How long the permission will last, one does not
know.
Ever since Mira’s departure I have been silent between 7
p. m. to 2 p. m. the day following. Hence there are only 5 speak-
ing hours.
It will be good if Shummy finally makes up his mind to go
to Europe. The change is likely to do him good and you will be
able without anxiety to be with me. But Mahadev will say, what
about the dog? He has been describing with what care that pre-
cious member of the family is being looked after.
I am just now engaged in hammering into shape the Aundh
Constitution. The Raja Saheb’s son is a delightful boy.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3653. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6462
186. LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI
November 30, 1938
CHI. DEVDAS,
You did well in sending a copy of the report of Viceroy’s
talk with Bharatan. It is difficult to say how this catastrophe will
end. Also read and think over what I have written about the
States.^ As Anantrai has intervened, the Rajkot matter will per-
haps be settled. But how will that help? That will involve all
the States. And that is what should happen.
Lakshmi and the children will be well. I am writing this
letter before the morning prayer. My health is excellent — at
present at any rate. I am taking proper care of it. Ba is fairly
well and so is Mahadev. These days the atmosphere at Segaon
is quite good. There goes the bell.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2007
187. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
November 30, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
I do not mind your having spent the money. I do not want
you to be ill for want of warm clothing or other things that may
be necessary for keeping the body fit. I have no fear of the
cold of the Frontier injuring you. I shall watch your career
there with anxiety.
My silence up to 2 p. m. continues. There are thus only 5
speaking hours per day which are all practically given to inter-
views.
Mahadev wrote to you yesterday. He is steadily improving.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6417. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10012
’ Vide “States and the People”, pp. 151-3.
160
188. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
November 30, 1938
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
The Chinese friends came and instead of five minutes they
took thirty-five. I had ultimately to say as gently as I could
that they had overstayed their time seven times.
Here is your copy of Agatha’s report of the interview with
the Viceroy. My message was merely to say that he was to
regard me as a friend of the English people, etc. It had nothing
to do with politics.
I hope you duly received my letter’ enclosing Gurudev’s
letter about Subhas.
Hope you are not killing yourself with work and that Indu is
doing well.
Sarup^ should be relieved of the heavy work she is doing.
She should rebuild her shattered body.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1938. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Also A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 303
189. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR N. MORARJEE
Segaon, Wardha,
November 30, 1938
CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,
Mahadev has just now placed your letter in my hand. If I
said I knew your father it would be an understatement.
We were as close to each other as members of a family. It
will not be strange, therefore, if I unveil his statue. But even if
I do not do so, will it detract from our bond? Does one unveil
’ Vide p. 144.
^ Vijayalakshmi Pandit
161
68-11
162 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
the Statue of one’s brother? I have lost all heart in such cere-
monies. Please, therefore, do not take it ill at all. Try to under-
stand my point of view fully and leave me out. Let the statue
be unveiled on the same day on which the opening ceremony of
the building takes place and let that be done by Sardar. Will
you not excuse me?
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 4728. Courtesy: Shantikumar N. Morarjee
190. A LETTER
Segaon, Wardha,
November 30, 1938
CHI. LAMBUS,
‘Lambodar’ means ‘long belly’. It is the name of God Gana-
pati. I should have named you ‘Lambus’. Was it not kind of
you to write to me after such a long time?
Amtul Salaam, Lilavati and Sharda are here. All of them
are very well.
You sisters seem to be doing good work.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 1752
191. LETTER TO PREMI J AIR AMD AS
Segaon,
November 30, 1938
CHI. PREMI,
Your Hindi is not good, but I like it better than your Eng-
lish. Further efforts would improve it. Father has arrived here.
He writes better Hindi than you do.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Hindi: C.W. 9250. Courtesy: Jairamdas Doulatram
192. TELEGRAM TO LOCAL SECRETARY, JALLIANWALA
BACH MEMORIAL EUND^
[After December 1, 1938]
HOLD MEETING THIRTEENTH WARDHA THREE AFTERNOON.
Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
193. LETTER TO RANCHHODLAL PATWART
[Before December 2, 1938Y
I am lucky to receive your handwriting today after several years.
It is difficult to address you when you tender me “dandavaf’.
I am glad to hear about your ceaseless efforts to achieve my
expectations. I never thought that the Rajkot public were pre-
senting a united front single-handed, exhibiting unique solidarity.
Vain are our impressions. God willing success is positive. If the
unfavourable circumstances are reduced to dust, God may bless
your services with singular success.
The Bombay Chronicle, 3-12-1938
194. A CAUTION
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s and Shri Damodardas’s requests
respectively to non-Rajkot people and non-Hyderabad people not
to take part in satyagraha are timely and deserve to receive
hearty response. It is the essence of satyagraha that those who
are suffering should alone offer it. Cases can be conceived when
what may be termed sympathetic satyagraha may be legitimately
applied. But so far as I see there is nothing in the Rajkot or
’ This was in answer to the addressee’s letter of December 1, asking if
he might convene a meeting of the Memorial Fund at Wardha during the
meetings of the Congress Working Committee there.
^ Ex-Dewan of Morvi, Palanpur and Gondal States. The letter was
presumably in Gujarati.
^ The news report carrying this item is dated December 2.
163
164 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Hyderabad satyagraha to warrant outside participation. Indeed
it is likely to acerbate the authorities. The idea underlying satya-
graha is to convert the wrongdoer, to awaken the sense of jus-
tice in him, to show him also that without the co-operation,
direct or indirect, of the wronged, the wrongdoer cannot do
the wrong intended by him. If the people in either case are
not ready to suffer for their causes, no outside help in the shape
of satyagraha can possibly bring true deliverance.
Segaon, December 3, 1938
Harijan, 10-12-1938
195. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THAMU PILLAI
Wardhaganj,
December 3, 1938
Thanupillai
State Congress
Trivandrum
REGARD statement MADE BY SEBASTIAN OTHERS ABOUT
INTERVIEW INCORRECT. SHALL I ISSUE TRUE VERSION?*
Gandhi
From the original: Pattern Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
196. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
December 3, 1938
CHI. KAKA,
I also wished to open the subject of the budget, but I forgot.
We shall have to discuss the matter a little. A copy is enclosed.
Come down on Tuesday. I will spare some time at 2 o’clock.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7979
’ For Gandhiji’s version, vide “Statement to the Press”, 10-12-1938, and
for the interview, vide pp. 131-3.
197. LETTER TO PRABHU DATAL VIDTARTHI
December 3, 1938
CHI. PRABHU DAYAL,
Your narration is prolix. You have not cited any evidence in
it.' What you have to say could easily have been put on one
sheet. A factual narration has no need of adornment. Write it
again. I will send it to U. P. You must furnish evidence in sup-
port of what you write. Give the names of persons who are your
sources. Omit such phrases as “I hope” and the like. You
should learn to be precise in writing.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 11519
198. DISCUSSION WITH JOHN R. MOTT^
[On or before December 4, 193 8Y
Dr. Mott . . . wondered if the world, including the world of missionaries,
had advanced since they had last met.'* He was going to preside over the
deliberations of the International Missionary Council meeting in Madras
during the month, and he wanted to share with Gandhiji the plans of the
meeting, and wanted Gandhiji’s “intuition and judgment on things to be
discussed at the Convention.”
He said: “ . . . This is a unique Convention where 14 councils of the
younger churches of Asia, Africa and Latin America, and 14 of the older
churches of Europe, America and Australia will be represented by over 400
delegates. We want this to be a help and not a hindrance to India. . . .
Am I, I ask, right in thinking that the tide has turned a little bit on the
* The addressee had complained against the Congress.
^ Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s “Dr. Mott’s Second Visit”. John
Mott’s part of the conversation has been slightly abridged.
^ Desai gives no dates. Vide, however, “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 5-12-
1938, where Gandhiji says, “Mahadev wrote yesterday for five hours on the
Mott visit.”
'* Vide Yo\. LXIV, pp. 33-41.
165
166
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
great things you impressed on me? ... Is there not a clearer recognition of
these evils ? . . .
GANDHiji: What I have noticed is that there is a drift
in the right direction so far as thought is concerned, but I do
feel that in action there is no advance. I was going to say “not
much advance”, but I deliberately say “reo advance”. You may
be able to give solitary instances of men here and there, but they
do not count. Right conviction to be of use has to be trans-
lated into action.
JOHN mott: Take the first question, viz., that of the Communal Award.
Has there been no progress?
G. No progress at all.
j.M. I have been studying the manuscript of the life of K. T. Paul, to
which I have been asked to write a foreword. Don’t you think there has
been an advance since his time ? The attitude of the Roman Catholics
is hostile, but what about Protestant Christians?
G. If Protestant Christians are at one on this question, they
can have the Award changed, so far as they are concerned. But
there is no solid action in the matter.
j. M. I did not know that they could have an exception made in their
behalf.
G. They can.
j. M. Take the next question. Is not taking advantage of people’s disa-
bilities being avoided now? I must say I was terribly pained to read of
the McGavran incident^ and greatly relieved to know that the misunder-
standing has been cleared up.
G. Even on this question, whilst some friends, I agree, are
in earnest, so far as action goes, there has been no change.
J. M. You mean to say there is not action enough ?
G. No, there is no action at all. I have plenty of evidence
to prove what I say. I do not publish all the correspondence I
get. Mr. A. A. Paul, whom you may know, convened a confer-
ence some time ago. The proceedings were revealing. Their
resolutions were half-hearted. As far as I am aware, there was
no unanimity about any definite action.
' McGavran had contributed to World Dominion a fabricated report of
the talk between Gandhiji on the one hand and Bishops Pickett and Azariah
on the other.
DISCUSSION WITH JOHN R. MOTT
167
j. M. I was encouraged by a resolution of the National Christian Coun-
cil which insisted on pure motives and pure practice.
G. You may cite the resolution but you will not be able to
show corresponding action.
j. M. I understand. Without action no decision is anything worth.
This lesson was burnt on my mind even as a student when Foster’s great
essay on the Decision of Character helped me more than anything I had
read.
G. I assure you you will find confirmation of what I say.
I would say that there is not even concrete recognition of the
danger of taking an undue advantage of people’s disabilities.
They will never give up what they call the right of mass
conversions.
J. M. They are now talking of conversion of groups and families. I am
not quite clear, though, as to what in certain cases the word ‘group’
implies.
G. I am quite clear. It is mass conversions called by an-
other name.
J. M. That is strange. How can groups or families be converted en masse?
Conversion in my family for instance came first with my father, then
my oldest sister, then youngest sister, then I. It is an individual matter,
a matter entirely between one and one’s God.
G. So it is. On this matter of untouchability, I may tell
you that for years I could not carry conviction to my own wife.
She followed me willy-nilly. The conviction came to her after
long experience and practice.
J. M. In dealing with the holiest of things we should use the purest
methods. But you will pardon me if I reiterate that I am hopeful of the
tide having turned. Discerning Christian leaders to my knowledge are not
only thinking of these things keenly but sincerely addressing themselves to
fostering right practice. On the third question of the wise use of money I
see signs of encouragement.
G. But it is a virtue of necessity. The Indian Christians
are thinking aloud and of doing things themselves. They are
talking of their own responsibilities and saying, “Thank God,
American money can’t come.”
Then came a rather long digression on the wise and unwise use of
money. The topic had engaged their attention on the occasion of the last
visit too and Gandhiji had put the matter most forcefully when he said:
168
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
“I think you cannot serve God and Mammon both, and my
fear is that Mammon has been sent to serve India and God has
remained behind, with the result that He will one day have His
vengeance.”
He had made it also clear that there was all the difference in the world
between money given and money earned.
j. M. But your own example proves that there are wise uses of money.
What do all the organizations I saw this morning testify ?
G. You see a contradiction between my theory and prac-
tice? Well, you must see the background. With all my experi-
ence and ability to collect money I am utterly indifferent in the
matter. I have always felt that when a religious organization has
more money than it requires, it is in peril of losing its faith in
God and pinning its faith on money. There is no such thing as
‘wise’ or ‘unwise’ use of money. You have simply to cease
to depend on it. You don’t even depend on bread, and bargain
with God saying you won’t pray until God gives your bread!
j.M. I am arguing this at some length as I want to understand you
and not to misquote you.
G. Then I will illustrate what I say by two telling illus-
trations. In South Africa when I started the satyagraha march
there was not a copper in my pocket, and I went with a light
heart. I had a caravan of 3000 people to support. ‘No fear’,
said I. ‘If God wills it He will carry it forward.’ Then money
began to rain from India. I had to stop it, for when the money
came my miseries began. Whereas they were content with a
piece of bread and sugar, they now began asking for all sorts
of things.
Then take the illustration of the new educational experiment.
The experiment I said must go on without asking for any mone-
tary help. Otherwise, after my death the whole organizations
would go to pieces. The fact is the moment financial stability is
assured, spiritual bankruptcy is also assured.
j. M. But you wisely used the money.
G. Not metal, but bread; and even the dog, under God’s
Providence, has not to go hungry.
Then came the last question of untouchability. Dr. Mott wondered if
there was no quickening of the conscience all the world over. There had
been, he said, battles royal between groups in America, conventions refusing
to go to hotels where the Negroes were not received, there were Christians
DISCUSSION WITH JOHN R. MOTT
169
in Germany who had gone to prison for protesting against the inhuman treat-
ment of the Jews. There was gold coming out of dross. What about India?
G. No advance in action, I say again. The British are a
fair test. The racial feeling instead of declining is rising. In
South Africa the tide of prejudice is rising high, declarations
made by former Ministers are being disregarded. Similar stories
come from East Africa. But I remain an optimist, not that there
is any evidence that I can give that right is going to prosper,
but because of my unflinching faith that right must prosper in
the end.
j. M. Well, in South Africa too are there not people like Hoffmeyr and
Edgar Brookes ? There is certainly a turn of the tide on the part of certain
individuals.
G. It would be wrong to draw conclusions from a handful
of individual instances. Our inspiration can come only from our
faith that right must ultimately prevail. But on this matter, as I
have said, there is an advance in the thought world, but not in
action.
Dr. Mott began the next day with these prefatory remarks: “You put
in your quite original way your views on the questions I asked. I value it
more than I can say. I was impressed by your recognition that there was a
certain amount of advance in thought but not in action. ... I could show
you, too, that there are certain things actually concretely on foot. But,
today, I want to engage your attention on another matter. What to do with
‘gangster’ nations, if I may use the expression frequently used? There was
individual gangsterism in America. It has been put down by strong police
measures both local and national. Could not we do something similar for
gangsterism between nations, as instanced in Manchuria — the nefarious use
of the opium poison — in Abyssinia, in Spain, in the sudden seizure of Au-
stria, and then the case of Czechoslovakia. Now, in this connection, let me
say, I was deeply impressed by what you wrote on the Czechoslovakian crisis*
and on the Jewish question^. Can we bring something like international
police into being?”
G. This question is not new to me.
j. M. I judge not.
G. I have to deal with identical questions with reference
to conditions in India. We have had to quell riots, communal
and labour. The Ministries have used military force in some
cases and police in most. Now whilst I agree that the Ministers
* VideVoX. LXVII, pp. 404-6.
2 71* “The Jews”, pp. 137-41.
170
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
could not help doing so, I also said that the Congress Ministries
had proved themselves bankrupt with their stock-in-trade, I mean
their avowed weapon of non-violence. Even so, I would say in
reply to the question you have asked, viz., that if the best mind
of the world has not imbibed the spirit of non-violence, they
would have to meet gangsterism in the orthodox way. But that
would only show that we have not got far beyond the Law of the
Jungle, that we have not yet learnt to appreciate the heri-
tage that God has given us, that in spite of the teaching of
Christianity which is 1900 years old and of Hinduism and Bud-
dhism which are older, and even of Islam (if I have read it
aright), we have not made much headway as human beings. But
whilst I would understand the use of force by those who have not
the spirit of non-violence in them, I would have those who know
non-violence to throw their whole weight in demonstrating that
even gangsterism has to be met by non-violence. For, ultimately,
force, however justifiably used, will lead us into the same morass
as the force of Hitler and Mussolini. There will be just a diff-
erence of degree. You and I who believe in non-violence must
use it at the critical moment. We may not despair of touching
the heart even of gangsters, even if, for the moment, we may seem
to be striking our heads against a blind wall.
j. M. How may the Missionaries and Christians in general help in con-
structive activities like the village industries movement, the new educational
movement and so on?
G. They should study the movements and work under or in
co-operation with these organizations. I am happy to be able to
say that I have some valued Christian colleagues. But they
can be counted on one’s fingers. I fear that the vast bulk of
them remain unconvinced. Some have frankly said that they
do not believe in the village movement or the education move-
ment as they are conducted by the associations you have named.
They evidently believe in industrialization and the Western type of
education. And the missionaries as a body perhaps light shy of
movements not conducted wholly or predominantly by Christians.
If I get in my activities the hearty and active co-operation
of the 5000 Protestant missionaries in India, and if they really
believed in the living power of non-violence as the only force
that counts, they can help not only here but perhaps in affecting
the West.
j. M. Happily there are a goodly number amongst them who see eye
to eye with you.
DISCUSSION WITH JOHN R. MOTT
171
G. I know.
j.M. What have been the most creative experiences in your life?
As you look back on your past, what, do you think, led you to believe in
God when everything seemed to point to the contrary, when life, so to say,
sprang from the ground, although it all looked impossible?
G. Such experiences are a multitude. But as you put the
question to me, I recalled particularly one experience that changed
the course of my life. That fell to my lot seven days after
I had arrived in South Africa. I had gone there on a purely
mundane and selfish mission. I was just a boy returned from
England wanting to make some money. Suddenly the client
who had taken me there asked me to go to Pretoria from Durban.
It was not an easy journey. There was the railway journey as
far as Charlestown and the coach to Johannesburg. On the train
I had a first-class ticket, but not a bed ticket. At Maritzburg
where the beddings were issued the guard came and turned me
out and asked me to go to the van compartment. I would not go
and the train steamed away leaving me shivering in the cold.^
Now the creative experience comes there. I was afraid for my
very life. I entered the dark waiting-room. There was a white
man in the room. I was afraid of him. What was my duty,
I asked myself. Should I go back to India, or should I go
forward, with God as my helper, and face whatever was in
store for me? I decided to stay and suflfer. My active non-
violence began from that date. And God put me through the
test during that very journey. I was severely assaulted by the
coachman for my moving from the seat he had given me.
J.M. The miseries, the slaps after slaps you received burnt into your
soul.
G. Yes, that was one of the richest experiences of my life.
J. M. I am grateful to you for sharing this experience with me.
j. M. What has brought deepest satisfaction to your soul in difficulties
and doubts and questionings?
G. Living faith in God.
J.M. When have you had indubitable manifestation of God in your life
and experiences?
G. I have seen and believe that God never appears to you
in person, but in action which can only account for your deliver-
ance in your darkest hour.
> Vide Vol. XXXIX, pp. 93-4.
172
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
j. M. You mean things take place that cannot possibly happen apart
from God?
G. Yes. They happen suddenly and unawares. One expe-
rience stands quite distinctly in my memory. It relates to my
21 days’ fast for the removal of untouchability.’ I had gone to
sleep the night before without the slightest idea of having to de-
clare a fast the next morning. At about 12 o’clock in the night
something wakes me up suddenly, and some voice — within or
without, I cannot say — whispers, ‘Thou must go on a fast.’ ‘How
many days?’ I ask. The voice again said, ‘Twenty-one days.’
‘When does it begin?’ I ask. It says, ‘You begin tomorrow.’ I
went quietly off to sleep after making the decision. I did not tell
anything to my companions until after the morning prayer. I
placed into their hands a slip of paper announcing my decision
and asking them not to argue with me, as the decision was
irrevocable.
Well, the doctors thought I would not survive the fast. But
something within me said I would, and that I must go forward.
That kind of experience has never in my life happened before or
after that date.
j. M. Now, you surely can’t trace such a thing to an evil source?
G. Surely not. I never have thought it was an error. If
ever there was in my life a spiritual fast it was this. There is
something in denying satisfaction of the flesh. It is not possible
to see God face to face unless you crucify the flesh. It is one
thing to do what belongs to it as a temple of God, and it is
another to deny it what belongs to it as to the body of flesh.
Dr. Mott concluded his visit in 1936 with a question on silence. He had
done so during a brief flying visit to Ahmedabad in 1928 and during this
visit too he asked if Gandhiji had continued to find it necessary in his spiri-
tual quest.
G. I can say that I am an everlastingly silent man now.
Only a little while ago I have remained completely silent nearly
two months and the spell of that silence has not yet broken.
I broke it today when you came. Nowadays I go into silence
at prayer time every evening and break it for visitors at 2 o’clock.
I broke it today when you came. It has now become both a
physical and spiritual necessity for me. Originally it was taken
to relieve the sense of pressure. Then I wanted time for writing.
• Vide Vol. LV, pp. 74-5.
HOW TO POPULARIZE KHADI
173
After, however, I had practised it for some time I saw the spiri-
tual value of it. It suddenly flashed across my mind that that
was the time when I could best hold communion with God. And
now I feel as though I was naturally built for silence. Of course
I may tell you that from my childhood I have been noted for
my silence. I was silent at school, and in my London days I was
taken for a silent drone by friends.
j. M. In this connection you put me in mind of two texts from the
Bible;
“My soul, be thou silent unto God.”
“Speak Lord, for Thy servant hearkeneth.”
I have often sought silence for communion even during my noisiest
time . . .
I am sorry to have overstayed my time. I lose all sense of time when I
am with you. I am more grateful than I can say.
Segaon, December 5, 1938
Harijan, 10-12-1938
199. HOW TO POPULARIZE KHADI
A valued khadi worker writes a letter in Hindi which freely
translated means:
Compared to mill-cloth khadi is not an economic
proposition in terms of prices. To compete with mill-cloth
you have to drop the cost of hand-ginning, carding and spin-
ning. Even for self-spinners, therefore, it is not a paying
proposition. No doubt you have evolved new economics
of khadi. But till the people at large appreciate them, khadi
cannot be universal. Even the Congress Ministers do not
understand or appreciate your new economics. In the circum-
stances, will you not guide khadi workers and even the
Ministers and Congressmen in general? Your faith seems to
be so strong that you would straightway give eight annas per
day to spinners for eight hours’ honest and skilled work if
we, your co-workers, will let you. Frankly we do not possess
your faith.
There is no doubt that khadi cannot compete with mill-cloth,
it was never meant to. If the people will not understand or
appreciate the law governing khadi, it will never be universal.
It must then remain the fad of monied people and cranks. And
174
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
if it is to be merely that, the labours of a huge organization
like the A. I. S. A. must mean a waste of elfort, if not something
much worse.
But khadi has a big mission. Khadi provides dignified la-
bour to the millions who are otherwise idle for nearly four months
in the year. Even apart from the remuneration the work brings,
it is its own reward. For if millions live in compulsory idle-
ness, they must die spiritually, mentally and physically. The spin-
ning-wheel automatically raises the status of millions of poor
women. Even though, therefore, mill-cloth were to be given
gratis to the people, their true welfare demands that they
should refuse to have it in preference to khadi, the product of
their labours.
Life is more than money. It is cheaper to kill our aged
parents who can do no work and who are a drag on our slen-
der resources. It is also cheaper to kill our children whom we
do not need for our material comfort and whom we have to main-
tain without getting anything in return. But we kill neither
our parents nor our children, but consider it a privilege to main-
tain them no matter what their maintenance costs us. Even so
must we maintain khadi to the exclusion of all other cloth. It is
the force of habit which makes us think of khadi in terms of pri-
ces. We must revise our notion of khadi economics. And when
we have studied them from the point of view of the national well-
being, we shall find that khadi is never dear. We must suffer
dislocation of domestic economy during the transition stage. At
present we are labouring under a heavy handicap. Cotton pro-
duction has been centralized for the sake of Lancashire and, if
you will, for the sake of Indian mills. Prices of cotton are deter-
mined by the prices in foreign lands. When the production of
cotton is distributed in accordance with the demands of khadi
economics, cotton prices would not fluctuate and, in any case,
will be, in effect, lower than today. When the people, either
through State protection or through voluntary effort, have culti-
vated the habit of using only khadi, they will never think of it in
terms of money, even as millions of vegetarians do not compare
the prices of flesh foods with those of non-flesh foods. They will
starve rather than take flesh foods even though they may be
offered free.
But I recognize that very few Congressmen have this living
faith in khadi. The Ministers are Congressmen. They derive
their inspiration from their surroundings. If they had a living
faith in khadi, they could do a great deal to popularize it.
HOW TO POPULARIZE KHADI
175
Khadi was an integral part of the original swaraj pro-
gramme of 1920. In 1921-22 thousands of Congressmen repeated
from hundreds of platforms that swaraj for the millions depended
upon the spinning-wheel humming in every village. The late Ali
Brothers used to say, at the numerous meetings they addressed,
that without the charkha in every cottage and the loom in every
village there was no freedom. Maulana Mahomed Ali used to say
in his picturesque language that our charkhas were our instru-
ments of war and the cones of yarn turned out by them were
our ammunition. He said this with a conviction that went home
to his audiences. But the faith of those early days was not sus-
tained. Congressmen in general have ceased to connect khadi
with swaraj. Shri Jawaharlal Nehru has called khadi the livery
of our freedom. For how many does it bear that meaning? If
Congressmen could have that belief, khadi itself would be current
coin. Freedom is never dear at any price. It is the breath of life.
What would a man not pay for living? The Congress flag was
designed to represent not civil disobedience which is but a phase,
but it was designed to represent the essentials of freedom. Its back-
ground is khadi. The spinning-wheel covers and sustains it.
Its colours show how necessary communal unity is for the attain-
ment of freedom. Given the fulfilment of these conditions, civil
disobedience and the suffering it implies may not be at all neces-
sary. To wear khadi is for me to wear freedom.
Given a full-hearted acceptance of this meaning of khadi, I
am able to say what the Congress Ministers and, for that matter, all
the Ministers, khadi workers and Congressmen can and should do.
There may be a Minister whose sole business would be to look
after khadi and village industries. There should, therefore, be a
department for this purpose. The other departments will co-ope-
rate. Thus the Agricultural Department will frame a scheme
of decentralization of cotton production, survey the land suita-
ble for cotton production for village use and And out how much
cotton will be required for its province. It will even stock cotton
at suitable centres for distribution. The Stores Department will
make purchases of khadi available in the province and give ord-
ers for its cloth requirements. The Technical Departments will
tax themselves to devise better wheels and other instruments of
hand production. All these departments will keep in constant
touch with the A. I. S. A. and the A. I. V. I. A. using them as
their experts.
The Revenue Minister will devise means of protecting khadi
against mill competition.
176
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Khadi workers will with unremitting zeal investigate the laws
governing the science of khadi and seek to make it more durable,
more attractive and believe themselves to be responsible for dis-
covering means of making khadi universal. God helps only those
who are ever watchful and who devote all their talents to their
mission.
Congressmen in general will spread the gospel of khadi
among their neighbours by themselves wearing it not ceremon-
ially but habitually, by spinning themselves, and by helping khadi
workers whenever they are called upon to do so.
Segaon, December 4, 1938
Harijan, 10-12-1938
200. HARIJAN WELFARE IN TATANAGAR^
I have before me a full and lengthy report of the function
performed at Tatanagar by the Bihar Minister, Shrijaglal Chou-
dhury, of opening the new extension of the Dhatkidih Harijan
School. The manager, Shri J. J. Ghandy, who takes a personal
interest in Harijan welfare, in the course of his address requesting
the Minister to perform the opening ceremony among other things
said:^
Segaon, December 4, 1938
Harijan, 10-12-1938
201. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
December 5, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
For the last three days I have neglected you so far as writ-
ing is concerned. You have been simply crowded out. So this
I am writing before the morning prayer. But though I do not
write there is enough here to make me think of you often enough
every day.
* This appeared under “Notes”.
^ The speech is not reproduced here. The speaker gave an account of
the Tata Iron and Steel Company’s efforts to promote the education of Harijan
children.
LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
177
I wonder how you are getting on in body, mind and soul?
I am anxiously waiting to hear from you.
Of the news here I must ask Sharda to write to you.
Love.
Bapu
[PS.]
I have at last your letter from Peshawar. I am quite well.
B. P. is in order. The cold has begun here.
From the original: C.W. 6418. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N.
10013
202. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
December 5, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I wrote two letters to you at Delhi. One was, by my folly,
sent to 12 instead of 4 Bhagwandas Road. I hope, nevertheless,
it reached you.
Everything seems to be going well here. The pressure of
interviews continues. Anand is having a week’s fast with a break
on the 4th day with lemon and banana.
Mahadev wrote yesterday for five hours on the Mott visit.*
The rest from Sharda.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
This goes to Lucknow.
From the original: C.W. 3896. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7052
203. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
Segaon,
December 5, 1938
MY dear ku,
I have read the Gram Udyog Patrika — both the editions.
Are we in a position to show to the villagers the way to get
unpolished rice cheaper than polished?
• Vide pp. 165-73.
68-12
178 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Has unpolished rice been proved to be digestible by delicate
stomachs? I have in mind Chhotelal’s and Babasaheb’s experi-
ences. Have we an apparatus we can present to the villagers for
husking rice ? If the C. P. Government offered us a post to
organize introduction of unpolished rice in every village, can we
shoulder the burden ? If not, how will they manage it ?
Who has written the Hindi Patrika? It is bad Hindi who-
ever the writer may be.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10141
204. LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
MY DEAR MALKANI,
I rarely read anything outside my beat. But last week and
this week your articles in Chronicle weekly riveted my attention
and [I] could not leave them unfinished. Let us straighten out a
few more wrinkles.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 933
205. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
I am glad your first impression is favourable. I think it will
abide. Did you visit the Islamia College, Edward College? Did
Ramdas or Chandrabhai seek you out? Of course Pushtu you
have to learn. And you will find no difficulty. Give the
enclosed to Khan Saheb with letter from Mehr Tajh
Love.
Bapu
* Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s daughter
LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI
179
[PS.]
Did you not say that Angad’s* book was received? I can’t
trace it. What was its name?
From the original: C.W. 6419. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10014
206. LETTER TO SHAMLAL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
DEAR LALA SHAMLAL,
I wrote about Inderpal from the Frontier Province. I have
now written again.
Please let me have the history of the other prisoners you
mention. Are they under the Provincial Government jurisdiction
or the Central Government?
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 1286
207. LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI
December 5, 1938
chi. DEVDAS,
Don’t hesitate to write whenever necessary.
You did well in sending the cutting. I will reply to the
argument if I can spare the time. They will not give Ramdas
the agency as readily as you think.
Jamnadas has left. I also would not like the Mysore job.
But I attach no importance to the possibility of my being criticiz-
ed. Let Ramdas accept the job if he can get peace of mind
thereby. This is my position. He will not be able to live with-
out work nor will he take up honorary or half-honorary work.
You should keep on writing to him. He will certainly respect
your advice.
Ramdas is pining for Nimu. He is calling her to Poona. He
wants her also to be treated there. I have, therefore, advised her
to go to Poona for the present. After the treatment is over, you
may certainly make arrangements for her in Banaras. I like your
idea too, though I also like the plan about Dehra Dun. After she
^ Reginald Reynold’s
180
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
has passed the examination for Ratna, she is bound to get more
pay. I do not think it impossible that she may get even
Rs. 150. She will have to trust her luck, of course. She can
get sixty rupees in any circumstances. However, I would certainly
like her to learn sitar.
Ba is quite well.
V[allabhbhai] wants that I should spend the whole of January
in Bardoli. I have accepted his request. Mahadev also is quite
well. As for me, God keeps me going.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
You or Lakshmi should drop a few lines to Ba from time to
time. She yearns, and naturally, for the love of you all. Where
should I address the letter so that you may get it earlier — at the
office or at Harijan Niwas?
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2008
208. LETTER TO VAIKUNTHLAL L. MEHTA
December 5, 1938
BHAI VAIKUNTH,
Chandrashanker' had sent your article here. I have already
sent it for publication. Chandrashanker cannot publish articles
on his own responsibility. Hence to save time please send articles,
etc., to me directly. Mahadev is well. He still needs rest,
though.
Blessings from
Bapu
Shri Vaikunthbhai Lallubhai Mehta
Sir Lallubhai Samaldas’s Bungalow
Andheri, B. B. & C. I. Rly.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 1365
^ Chandrashanker Shukla, editor of Harijanbandhu
209. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR JV. MORARJEE
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,
When I happen to be there some time, you may take me to
your office. If I send you a message, I shall have to send mess-
ages to others too. If friends excuse me, others too may. Such
rules cannot, of course, be observed as vows. If you are keen
on a message from me, I will not disappoint you.
Blessings from
Bapu
ShRI SHANTIKUMAR NaROTTAM MoRARJEE
JUHU
P. O. Santa Cruz
B. B. & C. I. Rly.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 4729. Courtesy: Shantikumar
N. Morarjee
210. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
December 5, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
Sushilabehn was saying that the latrines remained unservi-
ceable and that BankelaP did not seem to be doing any work.
She said that the twenty rupees paid to him could be used in
some other way. Think over this.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10780
Sweeper at Segaon
181
211. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
CHI. MANI,
Your account was true. You can always be trusted to acquit
yourself well in whatever you undertake. Follow my advice and
get your body massaged, or massage it yourself, with oil. The
soldier who does not keep his body fit renders himself liable to
punishment. And that is as it should be.
If the people have understood the lesson of ahimsa and suffer
beatings, etc., they will never be defeated. Mahadev is here of
course. He is quite well. He purposely writes less. This time I
permitted him to write a good deal for Harijan. But I will not
do that very often. It is desirable that he should have no res-
ponsibility at all. I keep very well these days.
Blessings from
Bapu
Smt. Manibehn Patel
Near Telegraph Office
Rajkot
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—4: Manibehn Patelne, pp. 122-3
212. LETTER TO CHLMANLAL N. SHAH
December 5, 1938
CHI. chimanlal,
I feel that we should not have two goshalas. Expanding the
present one will not endanger your health. To say that the
goshala will swallow us up means that we will have to spend
more and more on it. And if all the land is used for the
cattle, that will be the only activity remaining to us. I would,
therefore, advise Amritlal, Munnalal, Parnerkar, Balwantsinha
and you to discuss the matter among yourselves and put your
decision before me. What will be the total expenditure we shall
have to incur? It is absolutely necessary to have some outward
limit. I can arrange for the cattle which are not required.
182
LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU
183
Is it true that we shall not be able to increase the yield of
milk any further? Have you stopped buying milk from neighbours?
I suppose we shall not now be able to supply ghee to any-
body.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10595
213. LETTER TO MARGARETE SPIEGEL
December 5, 1938
CHI. AMALA,
You will never be Margarete Spiegel to me, but will always
remain Amala. How is your health? Please do come some day
and let me see how you are.
Did you read what I wrote about the Jews?' Did you like it?
Mahadev is improving. He lives in Segaon at present.
Herewith my autograph.
All are well here. I hope the dog is fine.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Spiegel Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
214. LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
DEAR SISTER,
Your last letter was answered by Pyarelal. Your letter from
Rajgarh is before me. You are doing good work. I could pre-
pare an account of the tour from your letters but I have not
the time. Therefore do send an account for Harijan when you
have completed the tour. If it is in Hindi we shall translate it
into English and if it is in English we shall have it translated
for Harijan Sevak. Give a brief description of the towns visited
' Vide “The Jews”, pp. 137-41.
184
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and all that was done there.* The demands presented to Bhopal
are quite legitimate. Something must come about there.
You have to go to Dehra Dun for a day. It will be good
to prepare the speech beforehand. Kakasaheb and Ba too ex-
pect to reach there.
I hope Bapa is keeping well and so are you.
Did you collect any funds anywhere?
Mahadev is here.
Everything is going on well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 7986. Also C.W. 3082. Court-
esy: Rameshwari Nehru
215. LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
CHI. SHARMA,
I have your very candid letter. A tabloid machine cost-
ing Rs. 30 may be purchased. I shall provide the money.
As regards earning a living I do not believe that you can
make a success of this venture. I fear that in one way or an-
other your expenses will go up. The true purpose, which is that
you should live simply, will be frustrated. Carrying on a busi-
ness and doing good to others cannot go together. You should
sit down with Draupadi and work out a limit to your expenses
and you should make up your mind that you will not go be-
yond it. If you do that your monthly expenses can be drawn
from some institution.
What can I say about the debt of Rs. 850? The mistake
was made at the outset in incurring the debt. I can only say
that so long as you have not repaid the debt you should forget
all about helping others and take up a job so that you can meet
your expenses and repay the debt. If you have jewellery or other
property in the family you can even dispose of it to clear the
debt. This is a drastic cure but I am sure it is also the most
effective cure. You should resolve also not to incur any debts
again.
* An account of Rameshwari Nehru’s tour in Central India was pub-
lished in Harijan in seven instalments, beginning with the issue of 18-3-1939.
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
185
The question then remains as to what should be done about
the task you have undertaken. I am myself baffled. You can
always come and join me of course but what we have to con-
sider is whether you can face living in society.
The little girl is all right, I hope.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a facsimile of the Hindi: Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah
Varsh, between pp. 274 and 275
216. LETTER TO HARSARAN VERMA
Segaon, Wardha,
December 5, 1938
BHAI HARSARAN VERMA,
Do you wish me to forward your letter to Ranjit Pandit?
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 91
217. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
December 6, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
There is no letter from you today. You had prepared me
for the absence.
I hope you are having a profitable time in Lucknow. I shall
expect to have full news about Sarup and J. L. Of the latter you
will hardly see anything. I hope you won’t be tired out.
I don’t write to S.* before 10th.
I am still keeping well and so is Mahadev. Balkoba is
going to Nagpur for X-ray examination tomorrow.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3897. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7053
* Shummy; vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, pp. 198-9.
218. LETTER TO J. C. KUMAR APR A
December 6, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
Here is the amended draft.
I hope Satis Babu’s certificate won’t make you bulkier than
you are. The book is still lying untouched. Those who wait
and watch have their patience rewarded before they die.
Your answer about rice is very like giving me polished rice
when I wanted the whole unpolished.' We must show how to eat
unpolished rice and show how a whole village can dehusk. What
should I do in Segaon, say? You have to probe deeper. What
you have told me is not new. I want you to tell me some-
thing that is new and telling.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10142
219. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
December 6, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
Today the Gita was recited in several tunes. If your tune
could not mingle with Lilavati’s, you ought to have let her recite
by herself. Sushila’s tune also sometimes mingled with yours and
sometimes broke off. The result was that I perspired listening to
such cacophony. That did not matter since it gave me some
warmth, but what about Mother Gita ? How must she have felt ?
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10781
' Vide also “Letter to J. C. Kumarappa”, pp. 177-8.
186
220. LETTER TO VIJATA JV. PATEL
Segaon,
December 6, 1938
CHI. VIJAYA,
I am writing this just to drop you a few lines. Thank God
you are keeping well.
Nanabhai’ must be all right. I hope you don’t feel ner-
vous. Do you insist on his taking proper care about his food,
etc. ? If he can live on fruit juice for some days, he will certainly
benefit. At his age, he should require very little of other food.
If he is accustomed to taking tea, it should be the colour of hay,
that is, tea-leaves should be placed in the strainer and boiling
water should slowly be poured through it. He should be con-
tent with the colour that this gives. The tea-leaves should never
be immersed in the water.
Everything is all right here.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7104. Also C.W. 4596.
Gourtesy: Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
221. DISCUSSION WITH D. TAKAOKA^
^December 7, 1938Y
It can be possible if Japan ceases to throw its greedy eyes
on India. No doubt you do not bring your army to India, but
you employ your matchless skill, and your ability to hide the
truth and your knowledge of the weaknesses of Indians, in order
to flood India with your goods which are often flimsy. You
have copied the rulers of India in their methods of exploitation
and gone even one better. Now, from the Japanese standpoint
* Addressee’s father
^ Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s “A Japanese Visitor”. Takaoka was
a member of the Japanese Parliament and wanted to know how unity could
be brought about between India and Japan.
^ From The Bombay Chronicle, 8-12-1938
187
188
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
you cannot afford to lose the millions of rupees that you get
from India. And if you cannot get them voluntarily, you will
be quite capable of doing so by force of arms. But that would
not be the way of bringing Japan and India together. What can
bring them together is a moral bond based on mutual friendship.
But there is no basis for that friendship today. Take your
art. I like it. I read a fascinating account of Japan and Japan-
ese life by Edwin Arnold many years ago. That picture has
remained with me. I want to assimilate all your good points,
but unfortunately no one comes here to give us the good things
of Japan. You believe only in dumping your goods on us.
How can I take a single yard of Japanese cloth, however fine and
artistic it may be? It is as poison to us, for it means starvation
for the poor people of India. You have left the West far behind
in diplomacy, in skill, in cheap manufactures, in armed warfare,
in exploitation. How then can there be friendship between you
and us, so long as you see nothing wrong in exploitation?
Mr. Takaoka wondered if Gandhiji could give a message to the new
party in Japan which stands for Asia for the Asiatics. Gandhiji said:
I do not subscribe to the doctrine of Asia for the Asiatics, if
it is meant as an anti-European combination. How can we have
Asia for the Asiatics unless we are content to let Asia remain a
frog in the well ? But Asia cannot afford to remain a frog in the
well. It has a message for the whole world, if it will only live
up to it. There is the imprint of Buddhistic influence on the
whole of Asia, which includes India, China, Japan, Burma, Cey-
lon and the Malay States. I said to the Burmese and the Ceylon-
ese that they were Buddhist in name; India was Buddhist in
reality. I would say the same thing to China and Japan. But,
for Asia to be not for Asia but the whole world, it has to relearn
the message of Buddha and deliver it to the world. Today
it is being denied everywhere. In Burma every Buddhist monk
is being dreaded by the Muslims. But why should anyone who
is a true Buddhist be dreaded by anyone?
You will therefore see that I have no message to give you but
this, that you must be true to your ancient heritage. The mes-
sage is 2,500 years old, but it has not yet been truly lived. But
what are 2,500 years? They are but a speck in the cycle of
time. The full flower of non-violence which seems to be wither-
ing away has yet to come to full bloom.
Harijan, 24-12-1938
222. REPLY TO GERMAN CRITICS
I was not unprepared for the exhibition of wrath from Germ-
any over my article* about the German treatment of the Jews.
I have myself admitted my ignorance of European politics. But
in order to commend my prescription to the Jews for the remo-
val of their many ills, I did not need to have an accurate knowl-
edge of European politics. The main facts about the atrocities
are beyond dispute. When the anger over my writing has sub-
sided and comparative calmness has returned, the most wrathful
German will find that underlying my writing there was friendli-
ness towards Germany, never any ill will.
Have I not repeatedly said that active non-violence is unadul-
terated love — fellow-feeling? And if the Jews, instead of being
helplessly and of necessity non-violent, adopt active non-violence,
i. e., fellow-feeling for the gentile Germans deliberately, they
cannot do any harm to the Germans and I am as certain as I
am dictating these lines that the stoniest German heart will melt.
Great as have been the Jewish contributions to the world’s prog-
ress, this supreme act of theirs will be their greatest contribu-
tion and war will be a thing of the past.
It passes comprehension why any German should be angry
over my utterly innocuous writing. Of course, German critics,
as others, might have ridiculed it by saying that it was a vision-
ary’s effort doomed to fail. I therefore welcome this wrath,
though wholly unmerited, against my writing. Has my writing
gone home ? Has the writer felt that my remedy was after all not
so ludicrous as it may appear, but that it was eminently practical
if only the beauty of suffering without retaliation was realized ?
To say that my writing has rendered neither myself, my
movement, nor German-Indian relations any service, is surely
irrelevant, if not also unworthy, implying as it does a threat;
and I should rank myself a coward if, for fear of my country or
myself or Indo-German relations being harmed, I hesitated to
give what I felt in the innermost recesses of my heart to be cent
per cent sound advice.
The Berlin writer has surely enunciated a novel doctrine
that people outside Germany may not criticize German action
* Vide “The Jews”, pp. 137-41.
189
190
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
even from friendliest motives. For my part I would certainly
welcome the interesting things that Germans or other outsiders may
unearth about Indians. I do not need to speak for the British.
But if I know the British people at all, they, too, welcome out-
side criticism, when it is well-informed and free from malice.
In this age, when distances have been obliterated, no nation can
afford to imitate the fabled frog in the well. Sometimes it is
refreshing to see ourselves as others see us. If, therefore, the
German critics happen to see this reply, I hope that they will
not only revise their opinion about my writing but will also
realize the value of outside criticism.
Segaon, December 8, 1938
Harijan, 17-12-1938
223. LETTER TO K. M. MUNSHI
December 8, 1938
BHAI MUNSHI,
It is some days since Pyarelal sent you a reply regarding the
querns. Maybe the letter went astray. You may use mechanical
querns in prisons.
If Dharmanand Kosambi can work for Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan without letting the work of the Buddha Mandir suffer,
he may certainly do so.
If the Ministry continues for any length of time,^ you will
have to give up many more loves, besides that of home. I have
received a complaint against you that you are ruining your
health through overwork. You will have to give up this form
of attachment too.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 7642. Courtesy: K. M. Munshi
* The addressee was Home Minister in the Congress Ministry of Bombay
Province.
224. LETTER TO DAMODARDAS MUNDHRA^
December 8, 1938
BHAI DAMODAR^,
Both the replies are very long. But long or short there is no
need to send them. They are all right for my information.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Hindi: C.W. 10154. Courtesy: Secretary, Andhra Pradesh State
Committee, Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Hyderabad
225. SOME QUESTIONS ANSWERED
Friends have sent me two newspaper cuttings criticizing my
appeal to the Jews. The two critics suggest that in presenting
non-violence to the Jews as a remedy against the wrong done to
them I have suggested nothing new, and that they have been
practising non-violence for the past two thousand years. Ob-
viously, so far as these critics are concerned, I did not make
my meaning clear. The Jews, so far as I know, have never
practised non-violence as an article of faith or even as a delib-
erate policy. Indeed, it is a stigma against them that their ancest-
ors crucified Jesus. Are they not supposed to believe in eye for
an eye and tooth for a tooth? Have they no violence in their
hearts for their oppressors ? Do they not want the so-called demo-
cratic powers to punish Germany for her persecution and to
deliver them from oppression? If they do, there is no non-
violence in their hearts. Their non-violence, if it may be so
called, is of the helpless and the weak.
What I have pleaded for is renunciation of violence of the
heart and consequent active exercise of the force generated by
the great renunciation. One of the critics says that favourable
public opinion is necessary for the working of non-violence. The
* The letter was written on the reverse of a letter from the addressee
with which he had enclosed a letter received from Padmaja Naidu and his
reply to it as well as one from Jamnalal Bajaj.
^Jamnalal Bajaj’s secretary
191
192
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
writer is evidently thinking of passive resistance conceived as a
weapon of the weak. I have drawn a distinction between passive
resistance of the weak and active non-violent resistance of the
strong. The latter can and does work in the teeth of the fier-
cest opposition. But it ends in evoking the widest public sym-
pathy. Sufferings of the non-violent have been known to melt
the stoniest hearts. I make bold to say that if the Jews can
summon to their aid the soul power that comes only from non-
violence, Herr Hitler will bow before the courage which he has
never yet experienced in any large measure in his dealings with
men, and which, when it is exhibited, he will own is infinitely
superior to that shown by his best storm troopers. The exhibi-
tion of such courage is only possible for those who have a living
faith in the God of Truth and Non-violence, i. e., Love.
Of course, the critics can reasonably argue that the non-
violence pictured by me is not possible for masses of mankind,
it is possible only for the very few highly developed persons. I
have combated that view and suggested that, given proper train-
ing and proper generalship, non-violence can be practised by
masses of mankind.
I see, however, that my remarks are being misunderstood to
mean that because I advise non-violent resistance by the persec-
uted Jews, by inference I expect or would advise non-interference
by the democratic powers on behalf of the Jews. I hardly need
to answer this fear. Surely there is no danger of the great
powers refraining from action because of anything I have said.
They will, they are bound to, do all they can to free the Jews
from the inhuman persecution. My appeal has force in the face
of the fact that the great powers feel unable to help the Jews in
an effective manner. Therefore it is that I have offered the
prescription which I know to be infallible when taken in the
right manner.
The most relevant criticism, however, which I have received
is this: How do I expect the Jews to accept my prescription
when I know that India, where I am myself working, where I
call myself the self-appointed general, has not accepted it in toto.
My answer is: ‘Blessed are they that expect nothing.’ I belong
to the category of the blessed, in this case at least. Having got
the prescription and being sure of its efficacy, I felt that I would
be wrong if I did not draw attention to it when I saw cases
where it could be effectively applied.
Hitherto I have refused to deal with European politics. My
general position still remains the same. I presented my remedy
RED TAPE
193
almost in suppressed tones in the case of Abyssinia. The cases
of the Czechs and the Jews became more vivid to me than the
case of the Abyssinians. And I could not restrain myself from
writing. Perhaps Dr. Mott was right when he said to me the
other day that I must write more and more articles like those on
the Czechs and the Jews, if only because they must aid me in
the Indian struggle. He said that the West was never more pre-
pared than now to listen to the message of non-violence.
Segaon, December 9, 1938
Harijan, 17-12-1938
226. RED TAPE
A distinguished Indian, who had been watching Ministers
Kher and Munshi working at breakneck speed, told me the other
day how they seemed to have aged, and warned me that the
nation would lose them before their time if I did not prevent
them from overworking themselves. I wish I had the influence
over them which the friend credited me with. If I had, I would
certainly prevent them from committing suicide by inches. What
applies to these two Ministers applies to the others. A few days
after the visitor, came a high official who has been specially
entrusted with responsible work by Shri Kher. He said, “I want
to fulfil Shri (of course he used ‘Mr.’) Kher’s expectations. But
I do not know how I am to give him satisfaction. I believe I
have always been a conscientious worker and kept myself busy.
But now since the advent of the Congress Ministry our work has
increased. For they give themselves no rest and give us none.
The result is an ever-increasing pile of files. It is almost imposs-
ible to clear the desk from day to day. And now I have been
given work which demands thinking out and planning. I must
study. And I do not know what to do with these files.” I
promptly answered, “Burn them.” I meant it too.
The third visitor, who followed quickly after the second, was
a socialist friend. He said: “We are much misunderstood. Your
article on the walk-out* has added to the misunderstanding. I
assure you we want to help, not to hinder, the Congress work
and the Ministers, reserving to ourselves the right of constructive
criticism. But look at our difficulty. There is the Karachi
* Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 401-2.
68-13
194
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
resolution' and the Congress manifesto^. We honestly feel that the
promises made in them about economic relief are not being fully
carried out. I do not want to underrate the Congress Minis-
ters’ difficulties. But mere tinkering with the problem won’t do.
There are forces at work which no one can stop. Advantage is
being taken of the situation to put up the masses against the
Congress. The masses have the vote. They are becoming other-
wise conscious of their power. And if we do not take care, the
Congress may one fine morning discover that it has lost its hold
(at least temporarily) on the masses.”
I agreed in general with the friend and I said, “The reason
for dissatisfaction is plain to me. You have a philosophy of your
own. The Congress Ministries today are not of the socialist hue.
They are supposed to be of the ‘Gandhian’ hue, whatever it may
mean. Now, yours is a clear-cut programme. You have text-
books to go by. But I myself do not know what is the Gan-
dhian hue. I am sailing on an uncharted sea. I have to take
frequent soundings. If such is my pitiable condition, the Minis-
ters’ is much worse. They are so tied down to red tape that
they have no time to think. They have no time to see me or
discuss things with me and, what is more or worse, knowing
their condition, I have no heart to inflict even letters on them.
And I must not speak at them through the columns of Harijan.”
1 have touched on many topics in the foregoing paragraph.
But my main purpose in this article is to deal with red tape.
If the Ministers are to cope with their new responsibility, they
must discover the art of burning red tape. The old order could
only live by and on red tape. It will strangle the new order.
The Ministers must see people on whose goodwill alone they can
exist. They must listen to petty and serious complaints. But
they need not keep a record of all these or the letters they re-
ceive nor even of all the decisions they give. They have only to
keep sufficient record to refresh their memory and to preserve
continuity of practice. Much of the departmental correspondence
must cease. The Ministers are not responsible to the India Office
several thousand miles away. They are responsible to the millions
of their masters who do not know what red tape is and care
little. Many of them can’t read and write. But they have primary
wants to be fulfilled. They have been accustomed by Congress-
men to think that immediately the Congress comes into power
' Vide Vol. XLV, pp. 370-2.
2 Vide Vol. LXV, Appendix III.
LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
195
there won’t be a hungry mouth in all India nor a naked person
who wants to cover himself. The Ministers have to give their
time and thought to such problems, if they are to do justice to
the trust they have undertaken. If they are of the so-called
Gandhian hue, they must find out what it is, not from me but
from within by searching inward. I may not always know what
it is. But I do know that if it is properly investigated and fol-
lowed, it is radical and revolutionary enough to satisfy all the
real wants of India. The Congress is a revolutionary body. Only
its revolution is to be distinguished from all the other political
revolutions known to history. Whereas the previous ones have
been based on violence, this one is deliberately non-violent. If
it was violent, probably much of the old form and practice would
have been retained. But, for the Congress most of the old forms
and practices are taboo. The most potent is the police and the
military. I have admitted that so long as Congressmen are in
office and they cannot discover peaceful ways and means of pre-
serving order they are bound to make use of both. But the ques-
tion ever present before the Ministers must be: is such use indis-
pensable, and if it is, why is it so ? If, as a result of their inquiry —
not after the old style, costly and more often than not useless,
but an inquiry costless but thorough and effective — they find that
they cannot run the State without the use of the police and the
military, it is the clearest possible sign, in terms of non-violence,
that the Congress should give up office and again wander in the
wilderness in search of the Holy Grail.
Segaon, December 9, 1938
Harijan, 17-12-1938
227. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
December 9, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
This letter is going to Jullundur. I have your letters. I am
glad you had the talk with Pantji. The matter of corruption is
becoming too serious to be neglected. I am going to discuss
the whole thing at the forthcoming meeting.
Mahadev is well.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3898. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7054
228. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
December 9, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
Fix any dates' you like after 20th December and let me
know.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10144
229. LETTER TO MIRABEHM
Segaon, Wardha,
December 9, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
Just a line to say all well here. Muriel and Dorothy came
in this morning. Mary is also here. Shanta will be married in
a few days to an Indian in London. She is happy and expects
to return with her husband.
Sardar is also here and so is Jairamdas.
I hope the cold won’t prove too severe for you.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6420. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10015
230. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
December 9, 1938
CHI. LILA,
I was very much pained by today’s incident. But how
could you help your nature?
However, my purpose in writing this is different. I have
noticed that you and Amtul Salaam cannot tolerate S.^ sleeping
with me. Whatever may be the cause, I do not want to carry
' For the meeting of the A. I. S. A. Council
^ The name has been omitted.
196
LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
197
on my experiment by displeasing you two. I, therefore, want to
tell both of you that I have discontinued my experiment for
the present. The fault is not yours. I believe it is entirely
mine. But I do not wish to discuss the matter with you, nor do
I want you to reply. I have simply informed you.
Show this letter to Amtul Salaam.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I wanted to write and give this letter in the morning, but I
could find no time.
From Gujarati: C.W. 9794. Courtesy: Lilavati Asar
231. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
December 9, 1938
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
It would be wonderful of course if one could completely
lose oneself in meditation. This means that the person who is
the object of one’s devotion, has transcended the body. Why
watch the activities of one who has left the body? But have
I attained to that state? Therefore even the ears cannot be
shut. It is not an artificial process. You have to strive towards
perfect meditation. My efforts are known to you; there is
nothing in them. I am a very imperfect person, I have good
deal of intolerance, also anger. I am able to master these but
that is nothing so great.
While plying the takli fix your mind on the thought that
it is God who is doing it, that He is hidden in every fibre of
the yarn. See Him with the inner eyes.
Then spinning, which now seems secondary to you, will
become the primary thing. In the language of satyagraha the
means become identified with the end.
You ought to grasp it by now that observing outward acti-
vities is only self-indulgence.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4566; also S.G. 71
232. A. I. V. I. A. TRAINING SCHOOL
From the report of the certificate-giving function of this
Training School I cull the following:^
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel presided at the sessional gathering
of the A. I. V. I. A. Training School for village workers, which was held
at Maganwadi, Wardha, on Thursday 17th November. . . . The Superin-
tendent, Sjt. J. P. Patel, . . . welcoming the President and the guests
said among other things :
. The industries that are taught at present are paper-making,
oil-pressing, bee-keeping, gur-making, paddy-husking and flour-grinding.
The course of the Vidyalaya is for five months. . . .
“Rural economics, book-keeping and health and hygiene are also
taught. . . .
“In admitting students our main object is to see that after finishing
the course here they devote themselves to some form of village
service. . . .
“The instruction is given through the medium of Rashtra-
bhasha. . . .”
I would advise the management to keep a register of all
outgoing students, to keep a living contact with them, and
carry on with them a kind of post-graduate correspondence
class. So far as it is humanly possible not one of the students
should lapse into the old rut or feel despondent because he can
make no headway.
Harijan, 10-12-1938
233. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
December 10, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I hope you have received all my letters. J. L. and Maulana
came in last night. We had 2^ hours together only on the
question of Presidentship. Subhas must have arrived in the
evening.
* Only extracts are reproduced here.
198
LETTER TO PRABHAVATI 199
I hope you are none the worse for your wanderings. My
letter to Shummy goes today.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3899. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7055
234. LETTER TO AMRIT LAL T. NANAVATI
December 10, 1938
CHI. AMRITLAL,
I chanced to see Kanam’s nails today. Look at them and
see how dirty they are! Is not the teacher responsible for the
cleanliness of his nails, ears, teeth, etc.? He does not still
take part in the Ramadhun. How is that? At this age he should
be able even to sing bhajans.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10782
235. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 10, 1938
CHI. prabha,
I got your letter and Jayaprakash’s.
I have to go to Bardoli on the 1st of January. Come there
both of you if you can. The treatment for your hand is steam,
hip-bath and a diet of milk and fruit. I will cure you com-
pletely if you come to Bardoli.
Ba may perhaps go to Rajkot. Mahadev is better. Please
tell Jayaprakash that I should be glad if he could spend some
days with me. I sincerely wish that we should understand each
other correctly.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 3525
236. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
December 10, 1938
Having obtained the permission of the President of the Tra-
vancore State Congress, I am now able to tell the public what
advice I gave the deputation that saw me on November 13 and
14.* I told them that their cause would be damaged by persist-
ence in the charges against the Dewan and that the question
was not one of the truth or otherwise of the charges.^ It was
one of political insight. Allegations were made that the struggle
was personal. The demand for responsible government made
it impersonal and raised it to a higher level. I could not be a
party to the conduct of a struggle which must engage and ex-
haust time and energy in pursuit of a personal matter to the exclu-
sion of the most important one of swaraj. If they concentrated
on the allegations, responsible government was bound to recede
into the background.
Though my conviction about the correctness of my advice
was unshaken, the members were to be guided by their own, if
it conflicted with mine, for the burden of conducting the struggle
rested on them. I also told them that if violence continued, no
matter how it occurred, they were bound to suspend civil dis-
obedience; for violence on the part of the public, even though
instigated, showed that the State Congress influence was not
adequate. This in no way meant suspension of the struggle. It
meant merely a change of the emphasis on the instruments. An
instrument of permanent value was a constructive programme.
The employment of civil disobedience had well-defined limita-
tions and required suspension as the occasion demanded.
Harijan, 17-12-1938
* The deputation actually saw Gandhiji on the 15th; vide pp. 131-3.
2 Vide also Vol. LXVII, pp. 387-8.
200
237. DISCUSSION WITH CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES^
[Before December 12, 1938Y
One of the questioners asked Gandhiji what his motive in life was, “the
thing that leads us to do what we do”, whether it was religious, or social
or political.
gandhiji: Purely religious. This was the question asked
me by the late Mr. Montagu when I accompanied a deputa-
tion which was purely political. “How you, a social reformer,”
he exclaimed, have “found your way into this crowd?” My
reply was that it was only an extension of my social activity.
I could not be leading a religious life unless I identified
myself with the whole of mankind, and that I could not do
unless I took part in politics. The whole gamut of man’s acti-
vities today constitutes an indivisible whole. You cannot divide
social, economic, political and purely religious work into water-
tight compartments. I do not know any religion apart from
human activity. It provides a moral basis to all other activities
which they would otherwise lack, reducing life to a maze of
sound and fury signifying nothing!
QUESTION : Seeing the influence you wield over the people, may we in-
quire whether it is the love of the cause or the love of the people that moves you ?
answer: Love of the people. Cause without the people
is a dead thing. Love of the people brought the problem of
untouchability early into my life. My mother said, ‘You must
not touch this boy, he is an untouchable.’ ‘Why not?’ I ques-
tioned back, and from that day my revolt began.
q. You would expect us Christians to copy your example. Should
we allow our religious motive to plunge us into politics?
A. Those who come from different parts of the world into
this country cannot say: ‘We shall have nothing to do with the
politics of the country.’ They would not be true to their faith if
* & ^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Non-violence and World Crisis”. The
missionaries included William Paton, Secretary of the International Missionary
Council, Leslie B. Moss, Secretary of the Conference of Missionary Societies
in North America, Dr. Smith of the British and Foreign Bible Society and
John Mott. They were in India to attend the International Missionary Con-
ference which opened at Tambaram on December 12, 1938.
201
202 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
they bargained with the Government in order to supersede their
fellow-feeling with the people. Supposing the Government does
a grievous wrong to the people of the soil and the missionaries
are told that they must not lift a finger to prevent it, surely,
the least they can do is to leave the country by way of signify-
ing their displeasure at the perpetration of the wrong. If a
missionary puts himself out for service, opportunities will come:
today it may be in the economic sphere, tomorrow in the
social, next time it may be in the political field. You cannot
then say, ‘I shall confine myself to this or that work and do
nothing else.’ When I went to South Africa I knew nothing
about that country. I was bound to my client only. Yet, within
seven days of my reaching there, I found that I had to deal with
a situation too terrible for words.
Gandhiji was next asked in what relation his non-violence stood to the Pacifist
attitude, “which we Westerners are trying to adopt without much success.”
gandhiji: In my opinion non-violence is not passivity in
any shape or form. Non-violence, as I understand it, is the activest
force in the world. Therefore, whether it is materialism or any-
thing else, if non-violence does not provide an effective antidote
it is not the active force of my conception. Or, to put it con-
versely, if you bring me some conundrums that I cannot answer
I would say my non-violence is still defective. Non-violence is
the supreme law. During my half a century of experience I
have not yet come across a situation when I had to say that I
was helpless, that I had no remedy in terms of non-violence.
Take the question of the Jews on which I have written.^
No Jew need feel helpless if he takes to the non-violent way. A
friend has written me a letter objecting that in that article I
have assumed that the Jews have been violent. It is true that
the Jews have not been actively violent in their own persons.
But they called down upon the Germans the curses of mankind,
and they wanted America and England to fight Germany on
their behalf. If I hit my adversary, that is of course violence,
but to be truly non-violent, I must love him and pray for him
even when he hits me. The Jews have not been actively non-
violent or, in spite of the misdeeds of the dictators, they would
say, ‘We shall suffer at their hands; they knew no better. But
we shall suffer not in the manner in which they want us to
suffer.’ If even one Jew acted thus, he would salve his self-
1 Vide^p. 137-41.
DISCUSSION WITH CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES 203
respect and leave an example which, if it became infectious,
would save the whole of Jewry and leave a rich heritage to
mankind besides.
What about China, you will ask. The Chinese have no
designs upon other people. They have no desire for territory.
True, perhaps, China is not ready for such aggression; perhaps,
what looks like her pacifism is only indolence. In any case
China’s is not active non-violence. Her putting up a valiant
defence against Japan is proof enough that China was never
intentionally non-violent. That she is on the defensive is no
answer in terms of non-violence. Therefore, when the time for
testing her active non-violence came, she failed in the test. This
is no criticism of China. I wish the Chinese success. According
to the accepted standards her behaviour is strictly correct. But
when the position is examined in terms of non-violence, I must
say it is unbecoming for a nation of 400 millions, a nation as
cultured as Japan [nV], to repel Japanese aggression by resorting to
Japan’s own methods. If the Chinese had non-violence of my
conception, there would be no use left for the latest machinery
for destruction which Japan possesses. The Chinese would say to
Japan, ‘Bring all your machinery, we present half of our popula-
tion to you. But the remaining two hundred millions won’t
bend their knee to you.’ If the Chinese did that, Japan would
become China’s slave.
And in support of this argument he referred to Shelley’s celebrated lines
from The Mask of Anarchy, “Ye are many, they are few”:
Stand ye calm and resolute,
Like a forest close and mute,
With folded arms and looks which are
Weapons of unvanquished war.
And if then the tyrants dare
Let them ride among you there.
Slash, and stab, and maim and hew, —
What they like, that let them do.
With folded arms and steady eyes.
And little fear, and less surprise.
Look upon them as they slay
Till their rage has died away.
Then they will return with shame
To the place from which they came.
And the blood thus shed will speak
In hot blushes on their cheek.
204
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Rise like Lions after slumber
In unvanquishable number —
Shake your chains to earth like dew
Which in sleep had fallen on you —
Ye are many — they are few.
It has been objected, however, that non-violence is all right
in the case of the Jews because there is personal contact between
the individual and his persecutors, but in China, Japan comes
with its long-range guns and aeroplanes. The person who rains
death from above has never any chance of even knowing who
and how many he has killed. How can non-violence combat
aerial warfare, seeing that there are no personal contacts ? The
reply to this is that behind the death-dealing bomb there is the
human hand that releases it, and behind that still, is the human
heart that sets the hand in motion. And at the back of the
policy of terrorism is the assumption that terrorism if applied
in a sufficient measure will produce the desired result, namely,
bend the adversary to the tyrant’s will. But supposing a people
make up their mind that they will never do the tyrant’s will,
nor retaliate with the tyrant’s own methods, the tyrant will not
find it worth his while to go on with his terrorism. If sufficient
food is given to the tyrant, a time will come when he will have
had more than surfeit. If all the mice in the world held con-
ference together and resolved that they would no more fear the
cat but all run into her mouth, the mice would live. I have
actually seen a cat play with a mouse. She did not kill it
outright but held it between her jaws, then released it, and again
pouched upon it as soon as it made an effort to escape. In
the end the mouse died out of sheer fright. The cat would have
derived no sport if the mouse had not tried to run away. I
learnt the lesson of non-violence from my wife, when I tried to
bend her to my will. Her determined resistance to my will on
the one hand, and her quiet submission to the suffering my stu-
pidity involved on the other, ultimately made me ashamed of
myself and cured me of my stupidity in thinking that I was
born to rule over her, and in the end she became my teacher
in non-violence. And what I did in South Africa was but an
extension of the rule of satyagraha which she unwillingly prac-
tised in her own person.
But one of the visitors objected: You do not know Hitler and Musso-
lini. They are incapable of any kind of moral response. They have
no conscience and they have made themselves impervious to world opinion.
DISCUSSION WITH CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES
205
Would it not be playing into the hands of these dictators if, for instance,
the Czechs following your advice confronted them with non-violence? Seeing
that dictatorships are unmoral by definition, would the law of moral conversion
hold good in their case ?
GANDHiji: Your argument presupposes that the dictators
like Mussolini or Hitler are beyond redemption. But belief in
non-violence is based on the assumption that human nature in its
essence is one and therefore unfailingly responds to the advances
of love. It should be remembered that they have up to now
always found ready response to the violence that they have used.
Within their experience, they have not come across organized
non-violent resistance on an appreciable scale, if at all. There-
fore, it is not only highly likely, but I hold it to be inevitable,
that they would recognize the superiority of non-violent resis-
tance over any display of violence that they may be capable of
putting forth. Moreover the non-violent technique that I have
presented to the Czechs does not depend for its success on the
goodwill of the dictators, for, a non-violent resister depends
upon the unfailing assistance of God which sustains him through-
out difficulties which would otherwise be considered insurmount-
able. His faith makes him indomitable.
The visitor retorted that these dictators wisely refrain from using force,
but simply take possession of what they want. In the circumstances what
can non-violent resisters do?
GANDHIJI : Suppose they come and occupy mines, facto-
ries and all sources of natural wealth belonging to the Czechs,
then the following results can take place: (1) The Czechs may
be annihilated for disobedience to orders. That would be a
glorious victory for the Czechs and the beginning of the fall of
Germany. (2) The Czechs might become demoralized in the
presence of overwhelming force. This is a result common in all
struggles, but if demoralization does take place, it would not be
on account of non-violence, but it would be due to absence or
inadequacy of non-violence. (3) The third thing that can take
place is that Germany might use her new possessions for occupa-
tion by her surplus population. This, again, could not be avoid-
ed by offering violent resistance, for we have assumed that vio-
lent resistance is out of the question. Thus non-violent resis-
tance is the best method under all conceivable circumstances.
I do not think that Hitler and Mussolini are after all so
very indifferent to the appeal of world opinion. But today these
dictators feel satisfaction in defying world opinion because none
206
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
of the so-called Great Powers can come to them with clean hands,
and they have a rankling sense of injustice done to their people
by the Great Powers in the past. Only the other day an esteemed
English friend owned to me that Nazi Germany was England’s
sin and that it was the Treaty of Versailles that made Hitler.
question: What can I as a Christian do to contribute to international
peace? How can international anarchy be broken down and non-violence
made eflFective for establishing peace? Subject nations apart, how can nations
at the top be made to disarm themselves?
answer: You as a Christian can make an effective con-
tribution by non-violent action even though it may cost you your
all. Peace will never come until the Great Powers courageously
decide to disarm themselves. It seems to me that recent events
must force that belief on the Great Powers. I have an implicit
faith — faith that today burns brighter than ever, after half a
century’s experience of unbroken practice of non-violence — that
mankind can only be saved through non-violence which is the
central teaching of the Bible as I have understood the Bible.
Q. You have said that so far as India is concerned you are hopeful
that it will stick to non-violence. What are the omens of that hope?
A. If you ask for outward proofs, I cannot give any. But
I have an instinctive feeling that the country is not going to take
to anything else. You must remember that just now I am filled
with what I saw in the North-West Frontier Province. I was
not prepared for what I saw. They are in dead earnest about
the thing, and there is a deep-rooted sincerity in their hearts.
They themselves see light and hope in non-violence. Khan
Saheb told me that before that it was all darkness. There was
not a family but had its blood feuds. They lived like tigers in a
den. Though the Pathans used to be always armed with knives,
daggers and rifles, they used to be terrified of their superior offi-
cers, lest they should lose their jobs. All that has changed now
with thousands. Blood feuds are becoming a thing of the past
among those Pathans who have come under the influence of
Khan Saheb’ s non-violence movement and, instead of depending
for their livelihood on paltry jobs, they have turned to the soil
for cultivation, and soon they will turn to industry if their pro-
mise is kept.
Q. What is your method of worship?
A. We have joint worship morning and evening at 4.20
a. m. and 7 p. m. This has gone on for years. We have a
MESSAGE TO C. K. GIBBON
207
recitation of verses from the Gita and other accepted religious
books, also hymns of saints with or without music. Individual
worship cannot be described in words. It goes on continuously
and even unconsciously. There is not a moment when I do not feel
the presence of a witness whose eye misses nothing and with
whom I strive to keep in tune. I do not pray as Christian
friends do. Not because I think there is anything wrong in it, but
because words won’t come to me. I suppose it is a matter of
habit.
<J. Is there any place for supplication in your prayer?
A. There is and there is not. God knows and anticipates
our wants. The Deity does not need my supplication, but I, a
very imperfect human being, do need His protection as a child
that of its father. And yet I know that nothing that I do is
going to change His plans. You may call me a fatalist, if you like.
Q. Do you find any response to your prayer?
A. I consider myself a happy man in that respect. I have
never found Him lacking in response. I have found Him nearest
at hand when the horizon seemed darkest — in my ordeals in jails
when it was not all smooth sailing for me. I cannot recall a
moment in my life when I had a sense of desertion by God.
Harijan, 24-12-1938
238. MESSAGE TO C. K. GIBBON^
[On or before December 12, 1938Y
I wish you success in your endeavour to wake up the Anglo-
Indian community to a sense of their duty as citizens of free
India.
The Bombay Ghronicle, 13-12-1938
* General Secretary of the Anglo-Indian Civil Liberties Association
2 The news item carrying the message is dated December 12, 1938.
239. HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY
I read suggestions about a memorial to the late Maulana
Shaukat Alid As soon as I learnt about the wholly unexpected
death, I wrote to some Muslim friends sharing with them my
innermost thoughts. One of them writes thus:
There can be no two opinions about the extreme urgency and
essential necessity of a sincere and lasting Hindu-Muslim unity. And
the sooner it is brought about the better it will be for all concerned.
Delay in this matter can only be fraught with consequences which no-
body can contemplate without serious concern. The present drift may
lead to most tragic developments which must, if at all possible, be avoid-
ed. I know that Shaukat was in his own way genuinely anxious to
bring about real Hindu-Muslim understanding, and nothing will please
his spirit more than to know in its rest in heaven that one of the objects
after which he strove in this world was at last achieved. There may be
people who may doubt this, but knowing him and the working of his
mind most intimately as I do, I can assert it with confidence.
I entirely endorse the opinion that, in spite of his outbursts
at times to the contrary, deep down in the Maulana was the
same longing for peace for which he used to speak and work
eloquently during the Khilafat days. I have no doubt whatso-
ever that the truest memorial to his memory will be a joint deter-
mination on the part of both the communities to bring about
not a paper-unity but a heart-unity, based not on suspicion
and distrust but on mutual trust. No other unity is worth
having. And without that unity there is no real freedom for
India.
Segaon, December 12, 1938
Harijan, 17-12-1938
Shaukat AH died on November 27.
208
240. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
December 12, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
I think 5 p. m. will be the ideal timed If any other is
more suitable, I shall suit myself to it.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10146
241. LETTER TO M ARC ARETE SPIEGEL
December 12, 1938
CHI. AMALA,
I received the five rupees. Even if you sign Margarete Spieg-
el, you will be only Amala to me. I will address the envelope
as you desire.
I hope you are keeping fine.
It will be good if you study Gujarati, even if only a little.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Spiegel Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
242. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
December 12, 1938
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
Your anger will eat up both you and the cow. I am un-
able to see to everything myself. So I have entrusted this work
to others. You have no plan. I would have closed my eyes
and let you spend as you wished if I had unlimited funds. But
I must know where to draw the line. I do not consider you an
expert, but I have full confidence in you and also patience, so I
* Vide “Letter to J. C. Kumarappa”, p. 196.
209
68-14
210 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
go on. Yes, I want to keep more than a hundred cows but
where do I have the plan?
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
If you cannot patiently argue with your colleagues, how do
you expect to serve?
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1912
243. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
December 12, 1938
CHI. BRAJKRISHNA,
What I did cannot apply in the case of your brother. I
took no medicine except soda and I lived entirely on fruit juice.
Massage, hip-baths, etc., were continued. If I tried to eat any-
thing in the mean while my condition became worse. In the end
it was goat’s milk that saved my life.
Carry on whatever treatment is possible there. See if Sara-
swati can do anything. If you are so inclined you may take him
to Poona.
The problem of Satyavati is a difficult one. She will not
even take the full treatment.
It is surprising that there is no reply from the Meerut
people. I am writing to them.
Mahadev and I are keeping well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I am not able to suggest anything with regard to the mills
except that we should organize the mill-hands.
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2458
244. LETTER TO HARSARAN VERMA
Segaon, Wardha,
December 12, 1938
BHAI HARSARAN VERMA,
I have your letter. It is good you wrote to me. You
should also submit to the Congress Committee all that you
have written to me.
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 90
245. INTERVIEW TO CELESTINE SMITW
[Before December 13, 1938Y
I had never thought of a girl coming. To take the respon-
sibility of a girl so far away from her home would perhaps be a
bit too much. But as you can see I have plenty of girls around
me here, and if a girl did come from America like that, I
should not mind it a bit, i. e., if she could put up with the in-
credibly simple life here as it would appear to her. What she
can learn from here and take back is the secret of simple living.
However simple life may be in America, it cannot come any-
where near the simplicity of life here. I do not know if Ame-
rica can assimilate such simplicity, or wants it. The other thing
that she could take back is the spirit of non-violence, to the ex-
tent that she can assimilate it without the help of any words or
speeches, if there is non-violence in the atmosphere here. If
there is no non-violence in the atmosphere, no written or spoken
word can make her understand it or grasp it.
Harijan, 31-12-1938
’ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter”. Celestine Smith was the
Secretary of the Negro Section of the Young Women’s Christian Association,
New York. She was impressed with the Wardha scheme of education and
wanted to know whether she could send one of her girls and, if she did,
what she would learn and take back to America.
^ A photograph of Gandhiji with Celestine Smith was published in The
Bombay Chronicle of December 13, which would indicate that they had met
before that date.
211
246. DRAFT OF CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE
RESOLUTION ON INDIAN STATES^^
December 13, 1938
The Working Committee welcome the awakening of the
people of Indian States in many parts of the country and con-
sider this as a hopeful prelude to the larger freedom, comprising
the whole of India, for which the Congress has laboured. The
Committee support the demand for civil liberty and respon-
sible government under the aegis of the Rulers in the States and
express their solidarity with these movements for freedom and
self-expression. While appreciating that some Rulers of the
States have recognized this awakening as a healthy sign of growth
and are seeking to adjust themselves to it in co-operation with
their people, the Committee regret that other Rulers have
sought to suppress these movements by banning peaceful and
legitimate organizations and all political activity and, in some
cases, resorting to cruel and inhuman repression. In particular,
the Committee deplore the attempt of some Rulers to seek the
aid of the British Government in India to suppress their own
people, and the Committee assert the right of the Congress to
protect the people against an unwarranted use of military or
police forces, lent by the British authorities, for the suppression
of the legitimate movement of the people for responsible govern-
ment within the States.
The Committee desire to draw attention afresh to the resolu-
tion of the Haripura Congress which defines Congress policy in
regard to the States. While it is the right and privilege of the
Congress to work for the attainment of civil liberty and respon-
sible government in the States, existing circumstances impose cer-
tain limitations on this work, and considerations of prudence pre-
vent the Congress from interfering organizationally and directly
in the internal struggles of the States. This policy was con-
ceived in the best interests of the people, to enable them to deve-
lop self-reliance and strength. It was also intended as a mea-
sure of the goodwill of the Congress towards the States and of
its hope that the Rulers, of their own accord, would recognize
' The Indian Annual Register, in the Chronicle of Events, notes under the
date December 13 that Gandhiji drafted this resolution.
212
LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
213
the spirit of the times and satisfy the just aspirations of their
people. Experience has proved the wisdom of this policy. But
this was never conceived as an obligation. The Congress has
always reserved the right, as it is its duty, to guide the peo-
ple of the States and lend them its influence. With the great
awakening that is taking place among the people of the States,
there must be an increasing identification of the Congress with
States’ people.
The policy laid down by the Haripura Congress, which has
been so abundantly justified, must continue to be pursued.
While, therefore, the Working Committee welcome the move-
ments in the States for the attainment of responsible government,
they advise the people not belonging to the States concerned
against taking part in civil disobedience and the like. Participa-
tion by such people will bring no real strength to the movement,
and may even embarrass the people of the States concerned
and prevent them from developing a mass movement on which
strength and success depend.
The Committee trust that all movements in the States will
adhere strictly to the fundamental Congress policy of non-violence.
Indian National Congress, February 1938 to January 1939, pp. 69-70
247. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
December 13, 1938
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
You understand now that I pleaded with Chimanlal on
your behalf that cows need not be kept in two places. What
I want to have is an estimate of the expenditure on and income
from a herd of cows and calves numbering up to a hundred.
You are a worker but a person who has to collect funds must
have a plan. Therefore I said that if the workers here could
together prepare a scheme I could think over it. It would have
made my path easier if you and Parnerkar could get on well to-
gether. I want to expedite this matter.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1915
248. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI
Wardha,
December 14, 1938
Thanupillay
State Congress
Trivandrum
AM QUITE CLEAR THAT IN SPITE PROSECUTION YOU
SHOULD WITHDRAW ALLEGATIONS BEFORE HEARING COM-
MENCES. IF COURT PERSIST YOU STILL REFUSE DEFEND
SAYING THAT UNDER ADVICE WHICH ON SECOND THOUGHTS
YOU CONSIDER TO BE SOUND YOU HAVE DECIDED NOT
TO PURSUE THEM AS BEING INCONSISTENT WITH PURSUIT
OF LARGER POLICY OF ATTAINMENT RESPONSIBLE GOVT.
Gandhi
From the original: Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
249. LETTER TO BHULABHAL J. DESAL
Segaon,
December 14, 1938
bhai bhulabhai,
I read Nariman’s letter. Personally I feel that a great injus-
tice has been done to him. If there is nothing else apart from
that letter and if my view is correct, I should like you yourself
to make amends when we meet tomorrow. I write this so
that you may think about the matter beforehand. I wrote to
Vallabhbhai from the car itself. But I see that I ought to
write to you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: Bhulabhai Desai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library
214
250. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 16, 1938
CHI. SUSHILA,
I read your postcard addressed to Ba. I should certainly
like to drag you here, but now I will not send for you. Stay at
Bardoli as long as you can. Here I cannot even raise my head;
what is the use of having you here then ?
The swelling produced by the vaccination must have sub-
sided.
I trust Nanabhai is well. Will it be too early for you to
join me on the 1st itself ?
Here we have a stream of visitors coming and going these
days.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4890
251. TELEGRAM TO Z^INAB^
{December 16, 1938Y
jamnalalji’s wire brings sad news. my deepest sympa-
thy AND PRAYER WITH YOU ALL. I KNOW YOU ARE
BRAVE. HOPE DOCTOR’S TRADITION WILL BE FULLY KEPT
UP BY FAMILY. LOVE.
Bapu
The Bombay Chronicle, 17-12-1938
* Widow of Dr. Rajab Ali Vishram Patel, a well-known freemason.
During the non-co-operation movement in 1921 he had donated Rs. 50,000
and handed over the amount to Gandhiji for use at his discretion.
^ Dr. Rajab Ali died on December 16, 1938.
215
252. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI
Wardha,
[^December 17, 1938Y
Thanupillay
President State Congress
Trivandrum
ADVISE YOU EMPHATICALLY NOT TO RESIST PRESENT BAN ON
CONTEMPLATED CONFERENCE NEAR TRIVANDRUM AND ON
DEMONSTRATIONS DURING FORTHCOMING VICEREGAL VISIT.
ALSO ADVISE TEMPORARY SUSPENSION OF CIVIL DISOBED-
IENCE EVEN IN FACE OF PROVOKING RESTRICTIONS. SUCH
WILLING OBEDIENCE TO IRKSOME RESTRICTIONS ON FREEDOM
WILL BE A LESSON IN ART OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE.
Gandhi
From the original: Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
253. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI
Wardha,
December 1 7, 1938
Thanupillay
President State Congress
Trivandrum
WITHDRAWAL MAY BE AS FOLLOWS. AFTER SERIOUS AND
PRAYERFUL CONSIDERATION WE HAVE COME TO THE CONCLU-
SION THAT THE ALLEGATIONS MADE AGAINST THE DEWAN
IN THE MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED TO HIS HIGHNESS SHOULD
BE UNRESERVEDLY WITHDRAWN IN THE INTEREST OF THE
LARGER STRUGGLE FOR RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT. BUT
WHILST THEREFORE WITHDRAW THE ALLEGATION FULLY
AND UNEQUIVOCALLY WE WOULD BE UNTRUE TO OUR-
SELVES TO THE CAUSE AND TO THE PUBLIC IF WE DID
NOT STATE THAT THE ALLEGATIONS WERE MADE BY US
^ The original telegram as delivered has only “17”. However the Viceroy
arrived in Travancore on January 9, 1939, and hence the telegram is placed
under this date.
216
MESSAGE TO ALLAHABAD UNIVERSITY UNION
217
WITH A FULL SENSE OF RESPONSIBILITY AND WITH A
BELIEF IN THEM AS FULL AS IT IS POSSIBLE TO HAVE
IN A STATEMENT BASED UPON ONE-SIDED EVIDENCE. OUR
BELIEF IN THE TRUTH OF THE ALLEGATIONS MADE PERSISTS
BUT THE OPINION HAS FORCED ITSELF UPON US THAT
FOR US TO PERSIST IN THOSE ALLEGATIONS WOULD BE
TO HARM THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR RESPONSIBLE GOVERN-
MENT IN TRAVANCORE. WE THEREFORE WITHDRAW THE
ALLEGATIONS AND ASK THE PUBLIC NOT TO BE AFFECTED
BY THE ALLEGATIONS OR BY OUR BELIEF IN THEM. IN
CASE PROSECUTION IS PURSUED IN SPITE OF ABOVE
WITHDRAWAL ADD LATER IN COURT AS FOLLOWS. WE
ARE SORRY THAT THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR IS NOT SATIS-
FIED WITH OUR WITHDRAWAL OF THE ALLEGATIONS. WE
SHALL CHEERFULLY UNDERGO ANY SENTENCE THAT MAY
BE IMPOSED UPON US FOR OUR UNCONDITIONAL WITHDRAWAL
MEANS THAT WE HAVE WITHDRAWN THE ALLEGATIONS NOT
TO EVADE THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE LAW BUT FOR
HELPING THE LARGER CAUSE OF RESPONSIBLE GOVERN-
MENT. WE THEREFORE DO NOT PROPOSE TO ENTER UPON
ANY DEFENCE AND AS WE HAVE WITHDRAWN THE ALLEGA-
TIONS IT IS NOT POSSIBLE FOR US TO PLEAD GUILTY.
Gandhi
From the original: Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library
254. MESSAGE TO ALLAHABAD UNIVERSITY UNION^
[Before December 18, 1938Y
I believe nothing except non-violence can solve our diffi-
culties.
The Bombay Chronicle, 21-12-1938
* This message was sent on the occasion of the unveiling of Gandhiji’s
portrait-painting in the Senate Hall of the University.
2 The report carrying this message is dated December 18, 1938.
255. LETTER TO SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE
Strictly Confidential Segaon, Wardha,
December 18, 1938
MY DEAR SUBHAS,
I must dictate this as I am wilfully blind. Whilst I am dic-
tating this Maulana Saheb, Nalini Babu’, and Ghanshyamdasji are
listening. We had an exhaustive discussion over the Bengal Min-
istry. I am more than ever convinced that we should not aim at
ousting the Ministry. We shall gain nothing by a reshuffle. And
probably we shall lose much by including Congressmen in the
Ministry. I feel, therefore, that the best way of securing compa-
rative purity of administration and continuity of a settled prog-
ramme and policy would be to aim at having all the reforms that
we desire carried out by the present Ministry. Nalini Babu
should come out, as he says he would, on a real issue being
raised and the decision being taken by the Ministry against the
interests of the country. His retirement from the Ministry would
then be dignified and wholly justified. I understand that so far
as the amendment of the municipal law is concerned, separate
electorate for the scheduled class is given up. There is still in-
sistence on separate electorate for Mussalmans. I do not know
whether opposition should be taken to the breaking point. If the
Mussalman opinion is solid in favour of separation, I think it
would be wisdom to satisfy them. I would not like them to
carry the point in the teeth of the Congress opposition. It would
be then a point against the Congress.
If my opinion is acceptable to you, the release of the Pri-
soners becomes a much simpler matter than it is today. And if
this opinion commends itself to you there should be an open
declaration about the new policy. This ought to result in easing
the tension that prevails in Bengal, and Bengal will be automat-
ically free from the state of suspended animation. Maulana Saheb
is in entire agreement with this opinion and so are Nalini Babu
and Chanshyamdas.
Love.
Bapu
From a copy: C. W. 7784. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
^ Nalini Ranjan Sarkar, then Finance Minister of Bengal
218
256. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
[After December 18, 1938Y
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I have gone through the papers. They are dreadful. If the
Thakore Saheb remains firm, the problem can be solved in no
time. But I doubt if he will remain firm. How much use can
we make of the information gathered from the papers? If you
receive an invitation, do go. I think if you go you should see
the Resident^ also and tell him the truth. The Ruler’s invitation
should not be kept a complete secret. If he does not have that
much courage, it may not be worth while going to Rajkot.
Blessings from
Bapu
SaRDAR VALLABHBHAI PaTEL
PURUSHOTTAM BuiLDING
Opp. Opera House, Bombay 4
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 230
257. NOTES
Complaint against Congressmen
I have a letter from the Rangoon Khadi Bhandar and an-
other from Karnatak complaining that Congress committees have
certified khadi which was decertified by the A. I. S. A. There is no
doubt whatsoever as to the truth of the complaint. I have copies
of the certificates issued by two Congress bodies. Congress com-
mittees should know that these certificates are illegal. The only
authority that can issue certificates about khadi is the A. I. S. A.
* The papers referred to in the text consisted of correspondence Thakore
Dharmendrasinhji of Rajkot had initiated with the addressee for a settlement.
The addressee in his letter of December 18 to the Thakore Saheb had said, “I
would come immediately — on receipt of your letter — and persuade the people
to agree to the termination of the struggle.” This therefore must belong to
some date after December 18.
2E. C. Gibson
219
220 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
No Congress committee has been, or can be, given the right un-
less the Congress resolution constituting the A. I. S. A. is changed.
There is no such thing as certified khadi. It is impossible to
certify every piece and every article made of khadi ; only shops
and persons can be authorized to sell khadi approved by the
A. I. S. A. The original definition of khadi has been broadened to
ensure an adequate wage for the manufacturers of khadi. Those
who sell any other khadi, deprive khadi workers of the wage that
the A. I. S. A. has, of its own accord, ensured for them. Let
it not be said of any Congressman and Congress committee that
they are interfering with the vast experiment in nation-building
that the A. I. S. A. is conducting and which bids fair to put life and
lustre in the dying bodies of millions of sisters whom no agency
ensures even two pice per day. I hope, therefore, that the Con-
gress committees and Congressmen will not only not interfere
with the work of the A. I. S. A., but will give their full-hearted co-
operation to numerous organizations of the A. I. S. A., especially in
the sale of khadi. If there was a steadily increasing demand, it
would be possible to provide remunerative work in every famine
area.
Hindustani Only
A Muslim friend who calls himself an old Congress worker
says:
The Times of India, in its issue of the 12th September last, pub-
lished an abstract of your article from the Harijan under the caption
‘Congressmen Beware!’’. The cogent explanation you have given of the
position caused by the anti-Hindi agitation in Madras and the use of
the Criminal Law Amendment Act is remarkably convincing. I have
no doubt that the sound advice you have offered to the agitators will go
a long way in satisfying them and that they will be brought round to
the right way of thinking. But in this connection I should like to draw
your attention to an anomaly which seems to have crept in inadvertent-
ly regarding the ‘Rashtrabhasha’ for India. To the best of my knowl-
edge the Congress resolution on the subject contains the word ‘Hindus-
tani’ and not ‘Hindi’. You yourself, in all your speeches and writings,
have always used the word ‘Hindustani’. It is therefore to be regretted
that a majority of Congressmen have, in contravention of the Congress
resolution, been using the word ‘Hindi\
This use of the wrong word has given rise to considerable misunder-
standing and contention among the members of the different camps of
’ VideVoL LXVII, pp. 323-6.
PROHIBITION
221
the Congress. To my mind it should be neither ‘Hindi’ nor ‘Urdu’,
and all Congressmen when referring to the Rashtrabhasha should use the
word ‘Hindustani’.
I endorse the suggestion whole-heartedly. Rashtrabhasha
has only one name, i.e., Hindustani.
Segaon, December 19, 1938
Harijan, 24-12-1938
258. PROHIBITION
Prohibition in the Congress provinces is not going on in the
spirit in which it was conceived. It is perhaps no fault of the
Ministers. Public opinion is not insistent. Congress opinion is
equally dormant. Congressmen do not seem to see that prohibi-
tion means new life for many millions. It means new and sub-
stantial accession of moral and material strength. They do not
realize that honest prohibition gives a dignity and prestige to the
Congress which perhaps no other single step can give. They do
not see that prosecution of prohibition means identification with
the masses and a resolute determination to refuse to have any-
thing to do with the drink revenue. Even such a confirmed pro-
hibitionist like Rajaji has not had the daring to set apart the
drink revenue purely for the purpose of fighting the drink evil.
He has proved in this matter too cautious for me. Congressmen
have learnt to count no cost too dear for winning freedom. Our
freedom will be the freedom of slaves if we continue to be vic-
tims of the drink and drug habit. Is any cost too much to estab-
lish complete prohibition in all the provinces?
And yet one finds Ministers drawing up prohibition prog-
rammes in a proper bania spirit. They think of their deficits. I
wonder what they will do if all the winebibbers and opium-
eaters suddenly give up their drinks and drugs! They will manage
somehow, it may be answered. Why will they not do so volun-
tarily? Surely, merit lies in doing the right thing voluntarily, not
compulsorily I The Bihar Government did not come to a standstill,
when the earthquake swallowed more than their annual income.
What do the Governments all over India do, when famines and
floods ruin people and materially reduce the State revenue? I
maintain that the Congress Governments break the spirit, if not
the letter, of their pledge, when they delay prohibition for the
sake of revenue.
222
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
They can and must make an honest attempt to raise money
by fresh taxation. The drink curse is most prevalent in urban
areas. It is in these areas that they can resort to fresh taxation.
Prohibition gives direct help to the employers of labour. They
can surely afford to bear the loss of revenue caused by prohibi-
tion. The few months of prohibition in Ahmedabad have put
money into the pockets both of the employers and the labourers.
There is no reason whatsoever why the employers should not pay
for this inestimable service. Many similar sources of revenue can
easily be thought of.
I have not hesitated to suggest a grant or at least a loan without
interest from the Government of India where it can be proved
that the raising of additional revenue is not a practical proposition.
The only valid reason for not having immediate prohibition is
want of previous experience and hence the need for caution. I
viewed the Salem experiment in that light. The Madras Govern-
ment wanted to take the first step with great deliberation and
did not want to take any risk of failure. The success of the
Salem experiment should be sufficient encouragement to go on
with the whole scheme. But it is not impossible to understand
the desire of each Government to go in for prohibition in stages
so as to have local experience. It was for that reason that the
Working Committee fixed three years as the period to bring
about complete prohibition. The time is running fast. And if India
is to be free of the curse within the period fixed, there should be no
delay for want of money or for fear of deficit in revenue. And
if the programme is prosecuted with single-minded zeal, there is
no doubt that the other provinces and the States will follow.
Segaon, December 19, 1938
Harijan, 24-12-1938
259. DISTRICT BOARDS
It has often been borne in upon me that District Boards and
Municipal Councils are excrescences involving a useless tax upon
the people’s purses. This became patent to me during the non-
co-operation days in Mehmadabad. I had then advised the people
that, if they boycotted their council or whatever it was called,
they could do their own sweeping and lighting and conduct
their schools without fuss and without much expense and avoid
wrangling into the bargain.
DISTRICT BOARDS
223
The truth of my remark became clear to me a few days ago
when a member of the Surat District Board came to me, showed
me a circular issued by the Board, and asked me for my blessing
on their scheme. The scheme was extra-official. There are about
forty members of the Board. I write from memory. They have
really no work except to meet at stated intervals and hold de-
bates on certain items of expenditure. As the Board has a sweep-
ing Congress majority and as some of the members are con-
scientious, they do not know how to use their time for the service
of the people. The Board has an income altogether inadequate
for the expenditure required to keep all its departments in good
order and condition, especially the roads. The circular, therefore,
contained a pompous advertisement that the members and the
officials would work during the National Week in April at road
repairs, etc. On the strength of the proverb that something is
better than nothing, certainly the National Week idea was com-
mendable. But it was not good enough for me. I said, “If you
want my blessing, you must begin work now and not merely for
one week as a holiday, but for the whole term of your office and
regularly as if you were members of the paid staff — no doubt
consistently with your domestic and other obligations. In other
words, you should constitute yourselves into a national service.
You will meet officially only to vote items you must, but never to
hold long debates or wrangle over petty appointments and the
like. But your real and solid work would be extra-official.
You would take pride in having first-class roads which you will
have built yourselves. You will run your schools efficiently.
You will see that your district has its proper supply of water,
and your fields are well manured and grow crops that are useful
from the national standpoint. You will teach the people proper
methods of sanitation and ensure voluntary prohibition by wean-
ing the people from the drink habit. You will run night-schools
for adults. If you are in earnest about your duty, you will be
too few for the task. You will set an example to the other
boards and you will justify the choice of the electors. The result
will be that the electors themselves and the others will become
a voluntary brigade of workers who will revolutionize the life of
the people around you. If you take to heart what I am telling you,
you will find at once that you cannot do without hand-ginning,
hand-carding, hand-spinning and hand-weaving. This will give
full occupation during leisure hours to every boy, girl, man
and woman who is not disabled for light labour, and you will
immediately add a good few lacs of rupees to your income as a
224
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
district. When you have achieved this programme you will have
my blessings. I shall become your advertising agent. If you
cannot do this, do not play with your work by having a spec-
tacular demonstration of your holiday patriotism.
I fear, however, that the District Boards in India will not
quite approve of the programme of voluntary service I have
sketched above. I, therefore, suggest that at least the Congress pro-
vinces have a model and novel legislation constituting municipal,
local and district boards on the basis of efficiency. I would have
them elected, but there would be very few men and women
capable of doing administrative, plodding work. Each one of the
members will have his work cut out for him. I should impress the
services of the paid officials side by side with the elected mem-
bers who will be at once their masters and co-workers. This is
but the barest outline of Boards of my notion. The Congress is a
revolutionary body in the widest and the wisest sense. It must
be original. All its activities must be derived from its creed of
non-violence. There must be a perfect chain linking the smallest
to the biggest unit after the same pattern, so that he who runs
may see that it is an artistic whole designed to answer the main
purpose. This presupposes one united mind and will in the Con-
gress — not the mind and will of one man but the minds and wills
of many men and women acting as one mind and one will.
Segaon, December 19, 1938
Harijan, 24-12-1938
260. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
December 19, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have not been able to give you a line.
Yes, I shall not part with the blanket designed for me. I
do not know whether I am wearing the old or the new. I shall
inquire and get the new. What shall I do with the old?
Of course you will have a copy of the Aundh Constitution
when it is ready.
If K.' has responsible government, why can’t you be its
first Minister and shape its destiny at will? But we shall discuss
when you come.
^ Kapurthala
LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
225
I fear I must leave for Bardoli on 1st Jan. The W. C.
meets there on 7th, so you should come via Ahmedabad. If you
leave on 3rd, you will reach Bardoli on 6th. No time for more.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3654. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6463
261. LETTER TO AGATHA HARRISON
Segaon, Wardha,
December 20, 1938
MY DEAR AGATHA,
I cannot let your sweet note go unanswered. I know what
Xmas means to the English people. All my good wishes accom-
pany you.
I knew you would understand Mira’s letter. Yes, do keep
in touch with her. She is in God’s good hands.
You will come as often as you like and stay as long as you
like.
Nobody gave you fudge today! Some goes with this.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 1506
262. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
December 20, 1938
CHI. MAHADEV,
This is just to tell you that I remember you. There is a
terrible pressure of work, but that seems to be God’s pleasure.
I do not work beyond the time fixed. I hope your stay is prov-
ing fruitful. Amtul Salaam is badly ill — malaria. There is a
large crowd — Pannalal, Gangabehn, Nanibehn have come.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 11686
68-15
263. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
December 20, 1938
CHI. BRAJKRISHNA,
Here is the reply from Vichitr ah What should be done now?
I hope your brother is better.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2457
264. LETTER TO N. M. JOSHI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
MY DEAR JOSHI,
I am very grateful to you for your two letters containing an
exhaustive reply to my letter. I am glad too that Parulekar took
the trouble of writing out his speech. Though the sentences mark-
ed do not appear in the speech, there is hot stuff enough in it,
perilously going near to the sentiments ascribed to Parulekar in
the report I sent to you. Mark the following:
They often described British bureaucracy as Satanic. I must find
out a stronger term than the word “Satanic”, as this act is more devi-
lish .... They know that the Bill is not in your interest and, therefore,
they are afraid of you. They feel nervous. They think that you will
throw away their Gandhi caps. This “Gandhi Cap Government” has
shown by its acts that they are not the friends of the poor. They are
there to work in the interests of the rich. ... If they postpone the discussion
they will have to discuss the Bill in Bombay who are politically con-
scious. The workers in Bombay will take out monster demonstrations
and will create such a row that those who are responsible for the Bill
will not be able to enjoy sound and comfortable sleep. The workers
can be compared to a sleeping lion. I warn Government not to wake
* Vichitra Narayan Sharma, a khadi worker of Meerut. He had stated
in his letter of December 14 that starting khadi work in famine-affected
areas was bound to result in financial loss while expanding the work to in-
clude Delhi was inconvenient.
226
LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
227
him up. Let them not tease him. Let them not attack him. They
must realize that if they provoke him the working class has enough
strength to retaliate on the strongest Government. . . . This Bill is a deadly
poisonous pill coated with sugar. We must scratch the sugar and leave
the poison to be swallowed by the framers of the Bill.
I should not like such language in the mouth of a member
of the Society.
As to your remark about the danger to civil liberty, I would
like you to give me some concrete suggestion for a Provincial
Government to be at least able to know what public men are
saying and doing. Or, do you suggest that they ought not to
concern themselves with the sayings and doings of public men?
I am not now thinking of the possible punishment that might be
inflicted upon those who make speeches inciting to violence or
whatever is considered contrary to law. I am thinking of peace-
ful action such as warning to reckless speakers and establishing
contact with organizations to which they belong. So far as Paru-
lekar is concerned, I am making further inquiry. In any case I
I am quite clear in my mind that there should be no prosecution
against him and I am writing to Kher accordingly.
Tours sincerely.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
265. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
MY dear JAWAHARLAL,
Maulana Saheb does not want the crown of thorns. If you
want to try again please do. If you won’t or he won’t listen,
Pattabhi seems to be the only choice.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1938. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
266. LETTER TO PRITHVI SINGH
Segaon,
December 21, 1938
MY DEAR PRITHVI SINGH,
I have your two letters. I have been too busy to write to
you earlier, but Pyarelal has been attending to every one of your
requirements. The wool is being taken up and I shall have it
woven and of course make use of it myself, unless I make better
use of it by using it for exhibition purposes. I have not decided.
Though I do not want to publish your letter as the authori-
ties may not like its publication whilst you are still a prisoner, I
am going to make judicious use of it amongst those who are
still unconvinced of the matchless superiority of non-violence over
violence. So far as your own case is concerned you may depend
upon my doing everything in my power. You need not do any-
thing there till I advise you otherwise.
I have a very fine portrait of you taken by Kanu which
Pyarelal is sending to your brother, but he will be writing inde-
pendently to you.
Mahadev is quite well now, though I do not want him to
return to his regular work.
Tours,
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 5632. Also C.W. 2943. Courtesy: Prithvi
Singh
267. LETTER TO SHAMLAL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
DEAR LALA SHAMLAL,
Your letter surprises me, for in your previous letter you said
that while the prisoners were not ready to give the assurance
to the Government, they were ready to give it to me. You now
tell me they will not. Why this change ? Please bring this to the
228
LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA 229
prisoners’ notice that if they cannot give this assurance even to
me, so far as I am concerned, I am powerless.
Tours,
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 1287
268. LETTER TO JAMMALAL BAJAJ
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
CHI. JAMNALAL,
I had both your letters. I had acted on the first. Why do
you insist on my acting on the second, too ? You need not attend
the Jallianwala Bagh Committee. Keshavdevji may well attend.
There will be no need of a vote. Don’t take it into your head
that your health is bad. The body only needs rest. If you get
it, your health will be all right. It will be enough if you travel
a little in India or Ceylon. Give up all worry about work.
Are Rajabali’s affairs being properly administered? How
is Janakibehn?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2996
269. LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA
CHI. MANUDI*,
Do come to Bardoli if you can.
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 1573. Courtesy: Manubehn S. Mashruwala
Gandhiji’s granddaughter
270. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 21, 1938
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
The Maulana has flatly refused, and it does not, therefore,
seem proper to press him further. I think it will be best to think
of Pattabhi.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 230
271. MESSAGE TO ALL-INDIA WOMENN CONEERENCE^
[Before December 22, 1938^
Women alone can emancipate themselves not men. If women
will, they can help in the fulfilment of ahimsa. Through the
charkha, they can serve the cause of their poor sisters. By
wearing khaddar, they can bring help to the homes of the poor.
They can bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. They can abolish
the purdah and drive away the ghost of untouchability.
Will the Women’s Conference at Delhi undertake to fulfil any
of these causes?
The Hindustan Times, 28-12-1938. Also from a copy: C.W. 10362. Court-
esy: All-India Women’s Conference
272. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon, Wardha,
December 22, 1938
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I am just now managing things through deputies. I can’t
cope with work otherwise. You are going to keep well in Bardoli.
* The Conference opened in Delhi on December 28. Amrit Kaur pre-
sided. Gandhiji’s message according to The Bombay Chronicle, 29-12-1938, was
in Gujarati.
^ Vide the following item.
230
LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL 231
Herewith a letter for Tai and a message* for the Conference.
You having had one, naturally she also wants one.
I hope you left Shummy in a good condition. I am glad
you liked my letter.
Mahadev should return on 24th.
Love.
Tyrant
[PS.]
Herewith draft reply to the Jewish appeal.
From the original: C.W. 3900. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7056
273. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 22, 1938
CHI. MANI,
Mridula and you make a good pair. I got both your let-
ters. Take complete rest. I am very glad that you spin. Write
about food, etc., if you are permitted to do so. How does Mri-
dula spend her time?
Mahadev has gone for four days to see the goshala near Cal-
cutta. He is expected to return on the 24th. I am keeping
excellent health. Ba has not yet got the permission to go there.
She is going to Dehra Dun for the Kanya Gurukul. I am leav-
ing for Bardoli on the 1st of January.
Blessings to you and Mridula from
Bapu
Shri Manibehn Patel
State Jail
Rajkot — Kathiawar
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 123
* Vide the preceding item.
274. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
December 22, 1938
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
I gave much thought to your letter. You did make a mis-
take, but who doesn’t? Your simplicity of nature consists in that
you readily admit your mistake. The service of the cow and
the good of all of us, including you, now lies in sticking to the deci-
sion that has been taken. If your anger really subsides every-
thing will turn out well in the end. You and Parnerkar will
have been tested. Give whatever help Parnerkar asks for. Find
out what else can be done and tell me. You have to be in
good cheer.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1913
275. SPEECH AT SCOUTS RALLT^
Segaon,
^December 22, 1938]^
I congratulate you on the demonstration of the drill that you
have given. It is a necessary part of your training. But while
you have made a fine beginning, you have still much ground to
traverse.
The object of mass drill is to enable large bodies of people
to perform any movement rhythmically and swiftly and with
absolute precision. What a saving in national time and energy
it would mean if we could do that in our public meetings and
functions! There is a silent music in disciplined movement of mas-
ses of men and women. Just now I asked you to move a little
towards me so that my low voice may reach you. Had you
advanced far enough in your drill, you would have been able to
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter”. The rally was held at the
end of a 21 days’ training course in scoutcraft conducted at Wardha for
pupil teachers under the Wardha Scheme of Education.
^ The date is from The Hindu, 23-12-1938.
232
SPEECH AT SCOUTS RALLY
233
perform that movement with ease without any noise or confusion.
There is a rhythm and music in drill that makes action effortless
and eliminates fatigue. If the whole nation of 300 millions could
be drilled so as to move together and act together and if neces-
sary to die together as one man, we should attain independence
without striking a blow and set an example of a peaceful revolu-
tion for the whole world to emulate.
I was particularly glad to note that the Khoja Boarding
House at Wardha had sent its quota of scouts to participate in
your rally. This is as it should be. Boy scouts’ training has
been incorporated in the Wardha Scheme of Education. It
would be nothing worth if it did not serve to remove all mutual
distrust and suspicion and foster among the various sections and
communities a perfect spirit of camaraderie which is an integral
part of that scheme, although it is not set down in so many
words in the Zakir Husain Committee’s report. The Wardha
Scheme of Education does not aim merely at imparting
literary training to the students; its object is to give an
education for life that would answer the need of our millions.
It is calculated to be a living and life-giving experiment.
Teachers, who have in their turn to become torch-bearers of
this education, have need, therefore, of a broader and wider
training. And scoutcraft is an important and useful part of that
training.
I know something of the work of the old Seva Samiti found-
ed by Revered Malaviyaji. I know also Pandit Hridayanath
Kunzru’s work on it; and I have come in contact with Shri
Bajpai, the organizer of the Samiti. If, therefore, I offer a few
remarks by way of suggestions, they must be taken as those of a
friend. As I watched the flag salutation ceremony, there seemed
to be an air of unreality about it. Your song is composed
in highflown language. You have in that song expressed your
readiness to lay down your lives for that flag which you have
envisioned as one day floating over the whole world. Gould you
seriously mean it, I asked myself, as you sang that song. I ven-
ture to suggest that such sentiments as are expressed in that song
may not be associated with any other than the national flag — if
they are not to remain a mere pious wish calculated to begin
and end with the singing of that song. People cannot die for
many flags. If you must have a separate flag and a hoisting
ceremony, your song should be pitched in a lower key. Then,
again, I see you have your inscription on the flag in Eng-
lish. That seems to me an anomaly. You should have on your
234
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
flag Hindustani inscription. Scouting must aim not merely at
the training of the body but that of the brain and heart too.
It would be a poor performance if it confines itself to mere exter-
nals and ignores the internal.
A word to the pupil teachers who are assembled here. As
the first batch, on them rests a heavy responsibility. It is not
merely they but the scheme of education which they are out to
work that is going to be put on its trial. It therefore behoves
them to be punctilious and exact in every little thing that they
say or do. They must weigh every word that they utter and
take care never to utter a word in vain. It is a new and untried
experiment that they are going to launch upon, i.e., to give the
whole education through a craft. Success will be the reward of
unremitting exercise of intelligence in all their acts. Nothing
will be more detrimental to it than insincerity in speech, thought
or action.
Harijan, 31-12-1938
276. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
Segaon, Wardha,
December 23, 1938
dear lord LINLITHGOW,
I find that Residents in certain States are discouraging Ruling
Chiefs from having any dealings with Congressmen such as
Sardar Patel. I have unimpeachable evidence in two cases. Of
these I am free to mention one. That is in connection with
Rajkot. I do not wish to tax you with details. I hope it is
not the intention at the headquarters to discourage ruling
Chiefs from cultivating friendly relations with Congressmen. The
States people have always looked to the Congress for guidance
and advice. With increasing awakening among the States people,
there should be no wonder if Chiefs seek Congress advice and
assistance in settling their differences with their people. Dis-
couragement by Residents amounts to orders to them. Recent
declarations in London seem to show that there is no intention,
on the part of the superior authority, to interfere with the
Chiefs in such matters. If my impression is correct and if on
enquiry you find that the statement I have made about Rajkot
is borne out, may I expect that you will instruct Residents in
general not to interfere with the Ruling Chiefs who may choose
LETTER TO S. RADHAKRISHNAN 235
to seek the assistance of Congressmen in solving the difficulties
that face them?
I am,
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Lord Linlithgow Papers: Microfilm No. 107. Courtesy: National Archives
of India
277. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
December 23, 1938
MY DEAR KU,
I am glad you went to Bombay. It would have been a mis-
take if no one had gone. No doubt you were the best man for
our purpose. I would like you to tell me more about your do-
ings on 30th if possible. But you may anticipate the date if
you think it necessary.
I would like Sir P. to come to Bardoli on the earliest day
after 3rd January.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10147
278. LETTER TO S. RADHAKRISHNAN
Segaon, Wardha,
December 23, 1938
DEAR SIR RADHAKRISHNAN,
As you know I have always aimed at a redistribution of
Provinces on a linguistic basis. The cue was taken from the An-
dhra movement. I should therefore be more than glad if Andhra
could have its status as a Province recognized even now.^
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a facsimile in Mahatma, Vol. VI, between pp. 352 and 353
^ At this time the addressee was in Segaon to persuade Gandhiji to
prevail upon Rajaji not to make Hindi compulsory in Madras schools. Vide
“Letter to C. Rajagopalachari”, p. 239.
279. LETTER TO INDU N. PAREKH
Segaon, Wardha,
December 23, 1938
CHI. INDU,
I got your letter. I had got the previous one also. In both
you are carried away by your emotions. Be patient and search
for a job there or come to me in Bardoli. We will think it over.
Why do you lose heart? I will leave for Bardoli on January 1.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 6256
280. LETTER TO BALWANTSIMHA
Segaon,
December 23, 1938
CHI. balwantsinha,
I have gone through your letter carefully. It is good. But
I notice that you cannot bear to be separated from the cows.
You should take it that the separation is in the interest of greater
service to the cow. I shall gain some experience and so will you.
You have doubts as to the propriety of what is being done. It is
not right. For if you have doubts it denotes a lack of knowledge
behind your renunciation. From what you told me yesterday
I thought your heart was cleansed and you had realized that
what was being done was all to the good. I never attributed to
you any baseness of spirit. I did mention your pride and that
too by way of praise. I even said that in your devotion to the
cow you have no equal, not even Parnerkar, and the same ap-
plied to your capacity for hard labour. Your experience too
is considerable, for you have been familiar with agriculture
and cattle-keeping from childhood. But I also said that not-
withstanding all this your knowledge was not systematic or scienti-
fic and consequently you would not be able to make further pro-
gress in animal husbandry and that your anger would consume
you as well as the cow. At the same time I asked Parnerkar to
236
LETTER TO SARASWATI
237
examine his heart and to take possession of the dairy only if he
was confident of himself. He has been given charge only under
this stipulation and these conditions. I have had a talk with
Nayakumji. He will discuss the matter with you. Do not commit
yourself definitely to any work for the present. Have a little
rest; give some quiet thought to what has been and is being
done; read and ponder a little and do whatever Ashram
tasks naturally come your way. Consult Chimanlal and take up
any job for which he is hard-pressed. There can never be any
want of work in our institution for a worker like you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1914
281. LETTER TO SARASWATI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 23, 1938
CHI. SURU,
I have your letter. I do not remember about your earlier
letters but I have replied to them all. I talked at length with
Uncle* and strongly requested him to send you to me. If you
continue your request he might send you. Keep writing to me.
Uncle knows everything. You should speak to him fearlessly.
Ba has gone to Dehra Dun today to attend the Kanya
Gurukul function. We all leave for Bardoli on January 1, to
spend a month there. I hope that you will be reaching there.
I am keeping well, Kanti keeps on writing.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 6174. Also C.W. 3448. Courtesy:
Kantilal Gandhi
* G. Ramachandran
282. NON-VIOLENCE THE ONLY WAT
I share with the reader the following letter* from Mr. Gregg,
the author of several books on khadi and non-violence. He is
an industrious and accurate student of world events. The reader
may know that Mr. Gregg was in India long enough to study
things in India.
Harijan, 24-12-1938
283. WANTED A GUIDE BOOK
Shri Mridulabehn has sent me a letter which freely translat-
ed means:
A beginning has been made in forming girl volunteer
brigades. Naturally they require lessons in drilling, saluta-
tion to the flag, national songs, etc. If there was a book of
instructions covering these important matters, we should have
uniformity of practice throughout India. At present there is
anarchy. Every gymnasium teaches what it likes, uses or
coins its own technical words, and in many cases orders are
given in English. Imagine village girls being given orders in
English which they do not understand. This is essentially
for the central office to handle, and that too with the quick-
est despatch. If the book suggested by me is published
immediately, it will be useful for the instruction of the corps
that are being formed in view of the coming Congress session
in Mahakoshal.
I commend this letter to the central office. It ought not to
be difficult to bring out the required book inside a week.
The material is there in a scattered form. Dr. Hardikar has, I
* Not reproduced here. Richard B. Gregg, after describing the horrors
resulting from “modern methods and weapons of war”, had argued that it was
“not bravery but utter folly” to pretend to fight that kind of thing. He had
also forwarded a copy of Russell’s Which Way to Peace? to reinforce the argument
that war could not end war and that complete pacifism was the only prac-
tical possibility.
238
LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
239
think, published some literature on the subject. Pandit Mala-
viyaji’s organization must have also issued some instruction book.
I know that Prof. Manikrao of Baroda has taken great pains
to produce simple technical terms in Hindustani answering most
of the requirements. It ought to be a simple matter to bring
out an authoritative book out of this material.
In this connection I would remind the Mahakoshal Recep-
tion Committee of the suggestion I had made at Haripura that
there should be a guide book for Congressmen and visitors in
simple Hindustani, written in Devanagari and Urdu scripts, about
sanitation, etc. Generally the visitors are left to their own re-
sources. They do not even know where to find the places they want
to go to or the things they need. A guide book with a map of
the Congress Nagar for the help of those thousands of people who
attend the Congress session from year to year is a necessity.
Segaon, December 24, 1938
Harijan, 31-12-1938
284. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
Segaon, Wardha,
December 24, 1938
MY DEAR C. R.,
Sir Radhakrishnan was here yesterday. He said that anti-
Hindi agitation was on the increase. He had suggested to you
that you should accept a conscience clause, exempting those chil-
dren from learning Hindi whose parents stated in writing that
they had a conscientious objection to their children learning Hindi.
I suppose you remember that such a suggestion was made in Hari-
jan in the initial stages of the agitation. I think that it is not too
late to give effect to it. It should not matter to you even
though the concession may be interpreted as concession to unreason-
able agitation. You will do what appears to you to be best.
What about separation of Andhra as a separate province?
You had made some statement that you were moving in the
matter. Are you? How are you keeping otherwise?
Love.
From a photostat: G.N. 2072
Tours,
Bapu
285. INTERVIEW TO H. V. HODSON^
[Before December 25, 1938]'^
Mr. Hodson expressed the opinion that the solution of the Hindu-
Muslim question was made difficult by the fact that, owing to its very nature,
the Congress tended to take on the nature of a “totalitarian party” and
acted as if it were the one and the only party in the country that mattered,
instead of regarding itself simply as one of the principal parties.
GANDHiji: It is a very wrong view to take of the Congress.
The Congress does claim to be the one and the only party
that can deliver the goods. It is a perfectly valid claim to make.
One day or the other some party has to assert itself to that ex-
tent. That does not make it a totalitarian party. It is the ambi-
tion of the Congress to become all-representative of the entire
nation, not merely of any particular section. And it is a worthy
ambition in keeping with its best tradition. If you have studied
Congress history, you will find that since its very inception the
Congress has sought to serve and represent all sections in the
country equally without any distinction or discrimination. Thus
it used to have Rajas and Maharajas on the Reception Commit-
tee, and has defended the cause of the States against the Para-
mount Power as in the case of Kashmir and Mysore. It would
love to be absorbed by the Muslim League if the Muslim League
would care to absorb it, or to absorb the Muslim League in its
turn, so far as the political programme is concerned. For reli-
gious and social activity, of course, every community can have its
separate organization.
hodson: But if the Congress has the ambition of absorbing other
political organizations, it cannot help being a totalitarian party.
GANDHIJI ; You may try to damn it by calling it totalitarian.
Absorption is inevitable when a country is engaged in a struggle
to wrest power from foreign hands; it cannot afford to have
separate, rival political organizations. The entire strength of
the country must be used for ousting the third and usurping
party. That is what is happening in India today. Where there
' SD Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter” dated December 25.
H. V. Hodson was the editor of Round Table.
240
MESSAGE TO PRESIDENT, TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS 241
is no common danger to oppose, there must be separate parties
representing different schools of thought. You should bear in
mind that the Congress does not impose its will on others. Its
sanctions are non-violent.
hodson: Would not the march to full responsible government be more
rapid if the Muslims were taken along?
GANDHiji : Of course it would be. Personally I do not want
anything which the Muslims oppose. But I have faith that the
solution of the Hindu-Muslim tangle will come much sooner than
most people expect. I claim to be able to look at the whole
position with a detached mind. There is no substance in our
quarrels. Points of difference are superficial, those of contact are
deep and permanent. Political and economic subjection is com-
mon to us. The same climate, the same rivers, the same fields
supply both with air, water and food. Whatever, therefore,
leaders, Mahatmas and Maulanas may say or do, the masses,
when they are fully awakened, will assert themselves and combine
for the sake of combating common evils.
The effect of the Socialist and Communist propaganda too is
to bring the masses of both the communities together by emphasiz-
ing identity of interests. I have my differences with them, but I
cannot withhold my admiration for their endeavour to demo-
lish the superstition that keeps the different communities apart.
Harijan, 31-12-1938
286. MESSAGE TO PRESIDENT, TRAVANCORE STATE
CONGRESS
[On or before December 25, 193 8Y
On receipt of a telegram from the President of the Travancore State
Congress, Gandhiji said he was delighted that personal allegations against the
Dewan were withdrawn. He added that civil disobedience should also be
suspended in order to examine the whole position afresh. He hopes that in
view the of withdrawal of the allegations prosecutions will be withdrawn by
the State and prisoners will be set free.
The Bombay Chronicle, 26-12-1938
The report carrying the message is dated December 25, 1938.
68-16
287. MANIBEHN AND THE SPINNING-WHEEL
Manibehn is a mani^. I know of only one Mani in India
who has sacrificed her all in order to serve her father and who
has readily accepted spinsterhood for his sake. She left for
Rajkot at one single word from her father and the strength that
she had derived from her incomparable devotion is amazing. She
is now in prison.^ She keeps writing letters to me. Some of
them deserve to be published. But, nowadays, I just cannot
write for Harijanbandhu. I find no time for it. But I cannot
help quoting the last sentence of her latest letter from jail. It
is in praise of the spinning-wheel. It runs as follows:
It is after a long time that I have found such leisure to work
on the spinning-wheel. And when I can spin so peacefully, I do not
need anything else. I find incomparable joy in this. I feel that I
should spin enough to make up for the many days when I could not spin.
We do not come across many persons who combine so well in
themselves love of the spinning-wheel, sacrifice, devotion to one’s
father and courage of the highest order. But, when I do come
across one, my heart dances with joy.
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 25-12-1938
288. DRAET OE STATEMENT EOR HYDERABAD
STATE CONGRESS^
[Before December 26, 1938Y
The Working Committee of the Hyderabad State Congress
after great deliberation has decided upon a temporary suspension
of satyagraha, which was launched recently and which has already
resulted in the imprisonment of more than 400 satyagrahis.
Sentences range from one month to 3j years.
’ Gem
2 Manibehn Patel was arrested on December 5, 1938, for participating
in the Rajkot satyagraha.
^ Except for the first two paragraphs the draft is in Gandhiji’s hand.
Vide “Letter to Akbar Hydari”, p. 248.
242
DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR HYDERABAD STATE CONGRESS 243
The public would like to know the reasons that have prompt-
ed this decision.
The State Congress has come in for a great deal of misrep-
resentation. It has been called a communal body. Its activities
have been mixed up with those of the Aryan Defence League
and the Hindu Civil Liberties Union. Unfortunately the move-
ments of the A. S.' and the Hindu M. S.^ synchronized with
the civil disobedience of the State Congress. The decisive cause
has been the advice given by Gandhiji, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
and other Congress leaders that in order to make our position
absolutely clear it was essential that we should suspend C. D.
They say suspension would give the Government of H. E. H. the
Nizam an opportunity to review the situation. We could not
disregard the advice of the leaders whose sympathy and support
are always a valuable asset in the conduct of the struggle for
Swaraj within the State.
We suspend C. D. in the hope that it will not need to be
revived. But whether it will have to be revived, and if so
when, will depend wholly upon the attitude of the State autho-
rities. It is not without a wrench that we are suspending the
struggle when more than 400 of our comrades are undergoing
imprisonment ranging from 4^ years to two months [^ir]. We have
more than 2,000 persons on our list as volunteers for C. D. The
list is daily increasing. Every fresh arrest brings an addition to
the list. We have had embarrassing offers of volunteers from
outside the State. We have been obliged to decline the offers
as we realize that the movement in order to remain strictly non-
violent must depend upon internal strength and support.
But we have no desire to use our strength and undergo suffer-
ing, if we can achieve our end through negotiation and entreaty.
We hope therefore that the Government of H. E. H. will recognize
the wholly peaceful and loyal motive underlying the suspension.
We hope that they will release the G. D. prisoners and lift the
ban on the S. C. and its activities and pave the way to the
inauguration of a scheme of responsible government consistently
with reasonable safeguards for the rights of minorities.
Here we would draw the attention of the members of the
State Congress that there are two arms to a non-violent swaraj
movement, the remedial and constructive. C. D. is remedial
and therefore in its nature temporary. The other is constructive
’ Arya Samaj
2 Hindu Maha Sabha
244 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and permanent. We hope that the people will never lose sight
of the permanent arm. Indeed our fitness for C. D. increases in
the same measure as the intensity of the constructive programme.
The constructive activities include hand-spinning, hand-weaving
and like productive pursuits, activities promoting heart unity bet-
ween the different communities composing the subjects ofH. E. H.
the Nizam, removal of untouchability, total abstinence from intoxi-
cating drinks and drugs and kindred reforms. For a non-violent
movement for gaining freedom must necessarily be a process
of purification and social and economic reform. No one should
run away with the idea that suspension of C. D. is suspension of
movement for responsible government. Indeed its constructive
nature should be doubly strengthened because suspension of C. D.
frees the mind for constructive work.
In conclusion we wish to thank all those friends who have
helped us by their advice and even material assistance.
From a copy: C.W. 101529
289. STUDENTS' SHAME
There is a most pathetic letter from a college girl in the
Punjab lying on my file for nearly two months. Want of time
was but an excuse for shirking the answer to the girl’s question.
Somehow or other I was avoiding the task, though I knew the
answer. Meanwhile I received another letter from a sister of
great experience, and I felt that I could no longer evade the
duty of dealing with the college girl’s very real difficulty. Her
letter is written in chaste Hindustani. I must try to do as much
justice as I can to the letter, which gives me a perfect picture of
her deep feeling. Here is my rendering of a portion of the let-
ter:
To girls and grown-up women there come times, in
spite of their wish to the contrary, when they have to
venture out alone, whether they are going from one place to
another in the same city or from one town to another. And
when they are thus found alone, evil-minded people pester
them. They use improper or even indecent language whilst
they are passing by. And if fear does not check them, they
do not hesitate to take further liberty. I should like to know
what part non-violence can play on such occasions. The
use of violence is of course there. If the girl or the
students’ shame
245
woman has sufficient courage, she will use what resources she
has and teach miscreants a lesson. They can at least kick
up a row that would draw the attention of the people
around, resulting in the miscreants being horse-whipped.
But I know that the result of such treatment would be mere-
ly to postpone the agony, not a permanent cure. Where
you know the people who misbehave, I feel sure that they
will listen to reason, to the gesture of love and humility.
But what about a fellow cycling by, using foul language on
seeing a girl or a woman unaccompanied by a male com-
panion? You have no opportunity of reasoning with him.
There is no likelihood of your meeting him again. You may
not even recognize him. You do not know his address.
What is a poor girl or a woman to do in such cases ? By way
of example I want to give you my own experience of last
night (26th October). I was going with a girl compan-
ion of mine on a very special errand at about 7.30 p. m.
It was impossible to secure a male companion at the time
and the errand could not be put off. On the way a Sikh
young man passed by on his cycle and continued to murmur
something till we were within hearing distance. We knew
that it was aimed at us. We felt hurt and uneasy. There
was no crowd on the road. Before we had gone a few paces
the cyclist returned. We recognized him at once whilst he
was still at a respectful distance. He wheeled towards us,
heaven knows whether he had intended to get down or
merely pass by us. We felt that we were in danger. We had
no faith in our physical prowess. I myself am weaker
than the average girl. But in my hands I had a big
book. Somehow or other courage came to me all of a
sudden. I hurled the heavy book at the cycle and roared
out, “Dare you repeat your pranks?” He could with diffi-
culty keep his balance, put on speed and fled from us. Now,
if I had not flung the book at his cycle, he might have
harassed us by his filthy language to the end of our jour-
ney. This was an ordinary, perhaps insignificant, occur-
rence; but I wish you could come to Lahore and listen to the
difficulties of us unfortunate girls. You would surely disco-
ver a proper solution. First of all, tell me how, in the circum-
stances mentioned above, can girls apply the principle of
ahimsa and save themselves. Secondly, what is the remedy
for curing youth of the abominable habit of insulting women-
folk? You would not suggest that we should wait and
246
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
suffer till a new generation, taught from childhood to be
polite to their womenfolk, comes into being. The Govern-
ment is either unwilling or unable to deal with this social evil.
The big leaders have no time for such questions. Some,
when they hear of a girl bravely castigating ill-behaved
youth, say, ‘Well done. That is the way all girls should
behave.’ Sometimes a leader is found eloquently lecturing
against such misbehaviour of students. But no one applies
himself continuously to the solution of this serious problem.
You will be painfully surprised to know that during Diwali
and such other holidays newspapers come out with notices
warning women from venturing outdoors even to see the
illuminations. This one fact should enable you to know to
what straits we are reduced in this part of the world! Nei-
ther the writers nor the readers of such warnings have any
sense of shame that they should have to be issued.
Another Punjabi girl to whom I gave the letter to read sup-
ports the narrative from her own experiences of her college days
and tells me that what my correspondent has related is the
common experience of most girls.
The other letter from an experienced woman relates the exper-
iences of her girl friends in Lucknow. They are molested in
cinema theatres by boys sitting in the row behind them using all
kinds of language which I can only call indecent. They are stat-
ed to resort even to practical jokes which have been described
by my correspondent but which I must not reproduce here.
If the immediate personal relief was all that was needed, no
doubt the remedy that the girl who describes herself to be physi-
cally weak adopted, i. e., of flinging her book at the cyclist, was
quite correct. It is an age-long remedy. And I have said in
these columns that when a person wants to become violent,
physical weakness does not come in the way of its effective use,
even against a physically powerful opponent. And we know
that in the present age there have been invented so many meth-
ods of using physical force that even a little girl with sufficient
intelligence can deal death and destruction. The fashion nowa-
days is growing of training girls to defend themselves in situations
such as the one described by my correspondent. But she is wise
enough to know that even though she was able to make effective
use for the moment of the book she had in her hand as a wea-
pon of defence, it was no remedy for the growing evil. In the
cases of rude remarks, there need be no perturbation but there
should be no indifference. All such cases should be published in
students’ shame
247
the papers. Names of the offenders should be published when
they are traced. There should be no false modesty about expos-
ing the evil. There is nothing like public opinion for castigat-
ing public misconduct. There is no doubt that, as the corres-
pondent says, there is great public apathy about such matters.
But it is not the public alone that are to blame. They
must have before them examples of rudeness. Even as stealing
cannot be dealt with unless cases of thieving are published and
followed up, so also is it impossible to deal with cases of rude
behaviour if they are suppressed. Crime and vice generally require
darkness for prowling. They disappear when light plays upon
them.
But I have a fear that the modern girl loves to be Juliet to
half a dozen Romeos. She loves adventure. My correspondent
seems to represent the unusual type. The modern girl dresses not
to protect herself from wind, rain and sun but to attract atten-
tion. She improves upon nature by painting herself and looking
extraordinary. The non-violent way is not for such girls. I
have often remarked in these columns that definite rules govern
the development of the non-violent spirit in us. It is a stren-
uous effort. It marks a revolution in the way of thinking and
living. If my correspondent and the girls of her way of thinking
will revolutionize their life in the prescribed manner, they will
soon find that young men, who at all come in contact with
them, will learn to respect them and to put on their best beha-
viour in their presence. But if perchance they find, as they may,
that their very chastity is in danger of being violated, they must
develop courage enough to die rather than yield to the brute in
man. It has been suggested that a girl who is gagged or bound
so as to make her powerless even for struggling cannot die as
easily as I seem to think. I venture to assert that a girl who
has the will to resist can burst all the bonds that may have been
used to render her powerless. The resolute will gives her the
strength to die.
But this heroism is possible only for those who have trained
themselves for it. Those who have not a living faith in non-
violence will learn the art of ordinary self-defence and protect
themselves from indecent behaviour of unchivalrous youth.
The great question, however, is why should young men be
devoid of elementary good manners so as to make decent girls be
in perpetual fear of molestation from them ? I should be sorry to
discover that the majority of young men have lost all sense of chival-
ry. But they should, as a class, be jealous of their reputation
248
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and deal with every case of impropriety occurring among
their mates. They must learn to hold the honour of every
woman as dear as that of their own sisters and mothers. All the
education they receive will be in vain if they do not learn good
manners.
And is it not as much the concern of professors and school-
masters to ensure gentlemanliness among their pupils as to pre-
pare them for the subjects?
Segaon, December 26, 1938
Harijan, 31-12-1938
290. LETTER TO AKBAR HTDARP
Segaon,
December 26, 1938
dear sir AKBAR,
I have purposely refrained from troubling you over the Hy-
derabad affairs. But as I have played an important part in shap-
ing the decision of the H. S. Congress, I feel I should write to
you. I do hope that you will appreciate the wisdom of the
suspension^ and return a generous response to their action.
I hope you are fully restored.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 6841
291. NOTE TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
December 26, 1938
We shall talk for some time tomorrow, or, if you can stay on
for a day or two, do so. I think the remedy for your disease is
quite simple. There is no need to get alarmed. You are cert-
ainly not fated to be destroyed. But I do admit your blemishes,
for I have gone through all such experiences. At the moment I
* Dewan of Hyderabad
^ Of civil disobedience. Vide “Draft of Statement for Hyderabad State
Congress”, pp. 242-4.
249
LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
will say only this, that you should go only after solving the prob-
lem.
I will write this very evening.’
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2997
292. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
Unrevised Segaon,
December 26, 1938
CHI. JAMNALAL,
Recently there was a thought for the day in English. It
means: Man should not think about his shortcomings but
should think about his virtues, for man becomes as he thinks.
This does not mean that one should not see one’s faults. One
must see them, but one should not brood over them and lose
one’s balance of mind. We find the same advice in our Shas-
tras. You should, therefore, have confidence in yourself and be
sure in your mind that you will be an instrument of good. You
have already been so.
You should overcome excessive greed. You should give up
private business even if it is intended to help you in public ser-
vice. If you cannot do that, you must lay down strict limits.
You should try to retire from politics. If you think that
you must remain in it, and if you can do so on your own
terms, you should devote yourself exclusively to the advancement
of the C. P. But your real field is altruistic business. Hence you
should again use all your ability for the Charkha Sangh. That
activity can make full use of your intellect, your moral qualities
and your business acumen. In politics lots of dirty things go on.
You are not likely to get much satisfaction from it. If the Char-
kha Sangh succeeds fully in its object, we shall easily get puma
Swaraj. If you take up that work, you can also do some work
for village industry, eradication of untouchability, etc. But that
depends on your inclination. I have said this only to dissuade
you from excessive greed and to suggest to you work which would
give you heart-felt satisfaction.
The other thing is impure thoughts. This is a rather diffi-
cult problem. If I understand you rightly, I feel that you
should stop the practice of being nursed by women. All cannot
Vide the following item.
250
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
digest it. In our circle, it can be said that I am practically
the only one who follows such a practice. The measure of my
success or failure will be judged after my death. For me the
thing is still an experiment. I cannot confidently claim that
I have succeeded. I yearn to reach the condition of Shukadevjih
I am miles away from such a condition. If you have confidence
in yourself I have nothing to say. But if you don’t have it,
and if I understand you rightly, you should examine yourself
deeply and make the necessary change. I am not suggesting
here stopping of women’s service.
If none of these things find an echo in your heart, you need
not do them. Continue to consult me on the matter. There
is no cause at all for despair. You are not a fallen person, you
are a votary of truth. There is no possibility of a fall for such
a person.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2998
293. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
{December 27, 195(9]^
CHI. MIRA,
Your daily post is an eagerly awaited event for me. My
heart and spirit are with you. The spirit is hovering round you.
You must not accept defeat. You should learn the art of saying
everything to K. S.^ in the gentlest manner possible. You must
keep your health and keep it there. There means the Frontier
Province. I am prepared to risk your death there rather than
that you should return to Segaon to live. You will be all right
in Peshawar. You may pass the week-end in Peshawar, if you
cannot keep well in Utmanzai. You should have the three things.
You must be able to go out, you must have a boy or a girl
exclusively to yourself. Tell K. S. you do not expect him to
spend money after you. I hope to send you some tomorrow.
* Son of Vyasa, regarded as the supreme example of one who has risen
above body-consciousness.
^As given in Bapu’s Letters to Mira. The source, however, has no date.
^ Khan Saheb
INTERVIEW TO AMERICAN TEACHERS
251
I told Agatha to ask Jardine to invite you. Of course you
could go to Hindu homes. But I do not want you to do that
just yet, unless K. S. himself suggests.
Anyway see if my suggestion commends itself to you that you
are going to do or die there. Of course I shall be there in
March. It may not be before the middle because the Congress
does not meet before 10th March.
Mahadev returned yesterday. He broke down the last day
of his stay in Calcutta. He is looking quite well but has some-
thing wrong in his head. He needs rest and proper dieting. He
overdid it in Gosaba.
I have a crowd of visitors. But I am keeping my times
fairly well. I do not need the silence as completely as I used to
have. You should not worry about me. I am really keeping
quite well, even becoming steadily better.
Here is Holmes’s* letter. There is a letter from Lothian
which I shall deal with in HarijanP-
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6421. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10016
294. INTERVIEW TO AMERICAN TEACHERS^
[Before December 29, 193 8^
teacher: How would you, an old and experienced leader, advise
young men to throw away their lives in the service of humanity ?
GANDHiji: The question is not rightly put. You don’t throw
away your lives when you take up the weapon of satyagraha.
But you prepare yourself to face without retaliation the gravest
danger and provocation. It gives you a chance to surrender
your life for the cause when the time comes. To be able to do
so non-violently requires previous training. If you are a believer
in the orthodox method, you go and train yourselves as soldiers.
It is the same with non-violence. You have to alter your whole
mode of life and work for it in peace time just as much as in the
time of war. It is no doubt a difficult job. You have to put
your whole soul into it; and if you are sincere, your example will
affect the lives of other people around you. America is today
* John Haynes Holmes
^ Vide “Working of Non-violence”, 6-2-1939.
^ &'* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter” dated December 29
252
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
exploiting the so-called weaker nations of the world along with
other powers. It has become the richest country in the world,
not a thing to be proud of when we come to think of the means
by which she has become rich. Again, to protect these riches
you need the assistance of violence. You must be prepared to
give up these riches. Therefore, if you really mean to give up
violence, you will say, “We shall have nothing to do with the
spoils of violence, and if as a result America ceases to be rich,
we do not mind.” You will then be qualified to offer a spotless
sacrifice. That is the meaning of preparation. The occasion for
making the extreme sacrifice may not come if you as a nation
have fully learnt to live for peace. It is much more difficult to
live for non-violence than to die for it.
The friends wanted to know if non-violence as enunciated by Gandhiji
had a positive quality.
If I had used the word ‘love’, which non-violence is in es-
sence, you would not have asked this question. But perhaps ‘love’
does not express my meaning fully. The nearest word is ‘charity’.
We love our friends and our equals. But the reaction that a
ruthless dictator sets up in us is either that of awe or pity accord-
ing respectively as we react to him violently or non- violently.
Non-violence knows no fear. If I am truly non-violent, I would
pity the dictator and say to myself, ‘He does not know what a
human being should be. One day he will know better when
he is confronted by a people who do not stand in awe of him,
who will neither submit nor cringe to him, nor bear any
grudge against him for whatever he may do.’ Germans are today
doing what they are doing because all the other nations stand
in awe of them. None of them can go to Hitler with clean
hands.
T. What is the place of Christian missions in the new India that
is being built up today? What can they do to help in this great task?
G. To show appreciation of what India is and is doing.
Up till now they have come as teachers and preachers with
queer notions about India and India’s great religions. We
have been described as a nation of superstitious heathens, know-
ing nothing, denying God. We are a brood of Satan as Mur-
doch would say. Did not Bishop Heber in his well-known hymn
“From Greenland’s Icy Mountains” describe India as a country
where “every prospect pleases, and only man is vile”? To me
this is a negation of the spirit of Christ. My personal view,
therefore, is that if you feel that India has a message to give to
INTERVIEW TO AMERICAN TEACHERS
253
the world, that India’s religions too are true, though like all reli-
gions imperfect for having percolated through imperfect human
agency, and you come as fellow -helpers and fellow-seekers, there
is a place for you here. But if you come as preachers of the
‘true Gospel’ to a people who are wandering in darkness, so far
as I am concerned you can have no place. You may impose
yourselves upon us.
T. What is India’s real message to the world ?
G. Non-violence. India is saturated with that spirit. It has
not demonstrated it to the extent that you can go to Ame-
rica as living witnesses of that spirit. But you can truthfully
say that India is making a desperate effort to live up to that
great ideal. If there is not this message, there is no other mes-
sage that India can give. Say what you may, the fact stands out
that here you have a whole subcontinent that has decided for
itself that there is no freedom for it except through non-violence.
No other country has made that attempt even. I have not
been able to influence other people even to the extent of be-
lieving that non-violence is worth trying. There is of course a
growing body of European opinion that has begun to appreciate
the possibilities of the weapon of non-violence. But I want the
sympathy of the whole world for India if she can get it while
she is making this unique experiment. You can, however, be
witnesses to that attempt only if you really feel that we are mak-
ing an honest effort to come up to the ideal of non-violence
and that all we are doing is not fraud. If your conviction is
enlightened and deep enough, it will set up a ferment working
in the minds of your people.
T. This is an admirable charge.
G. Take that charge with you then.
Harijan, 7-1-1939
295. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Segaon,
[^December 29, 193 8Y
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have your love notes. I am going through terrible rush.
But I am keeping quite fit. I do not read Sharda’s letters. What
was there disturbing?
Do you say I sent you no message for Nagpur? It was
wrung from me. And only you could have performed the trick.
But having landed me in it, there was no getting out when the
summons came from Tai. I can only call that your making.^
Your health causes me anxiety. The sooner you come to
me the better.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3901. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7057
296. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
December 29, 1938
CHI. MIRA,
It is strange you have not yet heard from Jardine. Did I
ask you to tell K. S. that if he was invited to see the Governor
he should not say ‘no’ ? You are also likely to be invited. I am
glad you are having the pupils fairly regularly now.^ It is a
great thing that is being done.
Mildred has come in today, two days in advance of the
Muriel party.
No winter here now. There has been hardly any cold this
winter. Rs. 25 herewith.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6422. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10017
* The date is in the addressee’s handwriting.
^ Vide aho “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, p. 231.
^ She was teaching carding and spinning to the Khudai Khidmatgars.
254
297. LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
Segaon, Wardha,
December 29, 1938
CHI. CHANDAN,
I have sent the money to Shankar. If you have not written
to Anantbhai, write a nice letter of thanks. Send a copy of it to
me.
Herewith is a letter from H.* Think over it. If there is
any possibility of your both being innocent, give the benefit of
it to H. If there is none, you may give whatever reply you
wish to. Send the letter to me. Keep a copy of it.
You promised to write to me but have not kept the promise.
If you had kept it, you would have written to me as soon as
you arrived there.^ I naturally desire to know how things are
going there. And you alone can give me news about Ba. She
herself is a cripple, so to say. So long as she is there, you can
write on her behalf.
It is never too late to mend. Fulfil your promise even now.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 945. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar
298. SPEECH AT OPENING OE MAGAN SANGRAHALATA
AND UDTOG BHAVAN^
Wardha,
December 30, 1938
Maganlal Gandhi was one of those few spirits who chose to
face a precarious future by casting their lot with me in South
Africa when I decided to give up my legal practice in order to
* The name has been omitted.
^ The addressee on her return from America had gone to Dehra Dun
Kanya Gurukul to teach English to the girls and study Hindi herself. D. B.
Kalelkar and Kasturba had accompanied her.
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A Dream Fulfilled”. The function was
attended by a large gathering which included over thirty economists who
had come to take part in the Economic Conference being held at Nagpur.
Gandhiji spoke in Hindustani.
255
256
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
embrace the ideal of voluntary poverty and service. He became
a foundation member of the Phoenix Settlement, and took charge
of the printing press when Indian Opinion was shifted there from
Durban. Although he had gone there primarily with the intention
of earning money, he sacrificed his ambition and decided to
sink or swim with me and he never turned back.
He was, in my opinion, a genius. He had a versatile mind.
His life was well ordered and disciplined. This enabled him to
pick up anything new with ease and facility. Although not a
mechanician by training, he soon made himself master of the
printing machinery that was set up at Phoenix. On returning
to India he made the service of the masses the passion of his life.
He laid the foundation of the science of khadi by writing his
Vanat Shastra. This book still holds its place as a classic although
the science of khadi has made great progress since Maganlal’s
death. Although he had not specialized in all the various crafts
that are at present being tackled by the A. I. V. I. A., his khadi
activity, by providing the nucleus round which the village indus-
tries movement has since grown up, became its precursor.
A word about the buildings. Although, as Shri Kumarappa
has observed, they follow the rural style, they are still far above
the rural standards of living as they obtain in our country today.
They stand there as a futurist symbol of what artisans’ dwellings
should be and would be in the rural India of the A. I. V. I. A.’s
dreams. This much assurance, however, I can give you in this
connection, that no pains have been spared to enforce the stin-
giest economy and simplicity commensurate with the purpose that
they are intended to serve. The worst that can be said about
the organizers of the Association is that they did not know their
job as well as they might have. The Association is always ready
to admit mistakes and to regard them as stepping-stones to
knowledge. The one thing that it dreads is ignorance that mas-
querades as perfection.
So much for the externals. Proceeding to the exhibits inside
the Museum, a critic may object, ‘How can reversion to these
primitive appliances and methods of production lead to swaraj ?
These village crafts have been with us always. Can they win
the race against the industrial competition of the West and
achieve anything like what the Western countries with their
latest inventions of science and engineering skill have been able to
achieve ? ’ My reply is that although village crafts have been with
us always, our forefathers were not aware of the tremendous
possibilities that lie hidden in them and, they were never plied by
SPEECH AT OPENING OF MAGAN SANGRAHALAYA 257
awakened masses as a means for attaining freedom. I admit that in
terms of orthodox and stereotyped standards of economics, as
that science is understood and taught in our colleges today,
and in a society governed by these standards, village industries
including spinning have perhaps no chance, and to revive them
might appear like reversion to Middle Ages. But I would like
you to enter the Udyog Bhavan with a fresh and unsophisticated
mind that has shed its prejudices. Envisage this spinning-wheel
as a spinning mill in miniature, that enables a person to earn two
annas daily in his home in this land of chronic and nationwide
unemployment and starvation when otherwise he would not be
earning two pice even. Picture this mill planted in lakhs of
homes, as it is capable of being planted, and I see nothing in
the world which can compete with it.
And yet two annas a day by no means exhausts its income-
yielding capacity. If only I get the co-operation of our intel-
ligentsia, I hope, before I close my eyes, to see it bring a wage
of eight annas a day to the spinner. Show me another industry
or industrial corporation in the world that has in the course of
eighteen years of its activities put four crores of rupees into the
pockets of lakhs of the neediest and most deserving of men
and women, with the same capital expenditure that the A. I. S. A.
has done. And this money has been evenly distributed among
Hindus and Mussalmans, caste and the outcaste, without any
distinction, uniting them in a common economic bond. Ima-
gine what this would mean in terms of swaraj if many helped
to cover the entire seven lakhs of our villages with this life-
giving and unifying activity. You need not be highly specialized
engineers or technicians to take part in this work of industrial
revolution. Even a layman, a woman or a child can join in it.
I would like you to regard the Magan Museum and the
Udyog Bhavan not as the ‘old curiosity shop’ but as a living
book for self-education and study.
Harijan, 14-1-1939
68-17
299. DISCUSSION WITH ECONOMISTS^
Wardha,
December 30, 1938
I want you to criticize what you have seen, and tell me the
defects you may have discovered. Praise won’t help me. I know
where I deserve praise. Do not tell me ex cathedra that the whole
thing is doomed to failure, as some economists have done before.
Such condemnation would not impress me. But if after a close
and sympathetic study you discover flaws and point them out to
me, I shall feel thankful.
C>. Are you against large-scale production?
A. I never said that. This belief is one of the many super-
stitions about me. Half of my time goes in answering such
things. But from scientists I expect better knowledge. Your
question is based on loose newspaper reports and the like. What
I am against is large-scale production of things villagers can pro-
duce without difficulty.
q. What do you think of the Planning Commission ?
A. I cannot say anything. I have not studied it. It was
not discussed in my presence in the Working Committee. Because
I still continue to tender advice to the Working Committee
whenever my advice is sought, it does not mean that everything
that emerges from the Working Committee bears my imprimatur
or is even discussed with me. I have purposely divested myself
of responsibility, so far as the general body of decisions are con-
cerned.
q. It has your blessings ?
A. What can be the use of my blessings in a thing I do
not know, or in which I am not interested.
q. Do you think that cottage industries and big industries can be
harmonized ?
’ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter”. The economists, some
thirty in number, had been attending the Economic Conference at Nagpur
and had gone to Wardha to meet Gandhiji and to attend the opening of
Magan Sangrahalaya.
258
DISCUSSION WITH ECONOMISTS
259
A. Yes, if they are planned so as to help the villages. Key
industries, industries which the nation needs, may be centralized.
But then I would not choose anything as a ‘key industry’ that
can be taken up by the villages with a little organizing. For
instance, I did not know the possibilities of hand-made paper.
Now I am so hopeful that I believe that every village can pro-
duce its own paper, though not for newspapers, etc. Supposing
the State controlled paper-making and centralized it, I would
expect it to protect all the paper that villages can make.
q. What is meant by protecting the villages?
A. Protecting them against the inroads of the cities. At
one time cities were dependent on the villages. Now it is the
reverse. There is no interdependence. Villages are being exploit-
ed and drained by the cities.
Q_. Don’t the villages need a lot of things that the cities produce ?
A. I wonder. In any case, under my scheme, nothing will
be allowed to be produced by cities which can be equally well
produced by the villages. The proper function of cities is to
serve as clearing houses for village products.
Can we harmonize cloth-mill activity with handloom production ?
A. So far as I know, my answer is an emphatic ‘no’. All
the cloth we need can easily be produced in the villages.
Q. But the number of mills is increasing.
A. That is a misfortune.
Q. But that is one of the things that the Planning Commission has
set itself to do.
A. It is news to me. In that case the Congress will have
to scrap its resolution on khadi.
Harijan, 28-1-1939
300. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
December 31, 1938
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
You know Shambhushankar. He is hoping to win self-rule
for Palitana. I have of course written to the Durbar. Shambhu-
shankar is a man of fairly independent nature. He hopes to
be able to achieve his aim with God’s help only, but he
certainly expects the blessings of respected leaders. I have told
him that if he can and does fight with such faith he is bound to
have their blessings. A votary of truth and ahimsa cannot but
command the blessings of all. But he won’t be satisfied with
such an assurance. He insists on having your blessings. Hear
him and give him your blessings.
Blessings from
Bapu
SaRDAR VALLABHBHAI PaTEL
PURUSHOTTAM BuiLDING
Opposite Opera House
Bombay 4
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 231
301. LETTER TO RADHAKRLSHNA BAJAJ
December 31, 1938
“Jamnalalji
Fill in the Address^
Delhi
Wire. No worry about order. If possible come Bardoli.
Bapu.”2
* Instructions in Gujarati to Radhakrishna Bajaj
^ This is in English. What follows is in Hindi.
260
LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
261
CHI. RADHAKRISHNA,
Please send off this wire tomorrow.* The letter is also
enclosed.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
You must have got the message regarding the arrangements to
be made for Muriel Lester. Send her here tomorrow at 3 o’clock.
From a photostat: G.N. 3039
302. LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
Segaon,
December 31, 1938
CHI. SHARMA,
You are right in saying that time is against us. It is a matter
of great satisfaction to me that you do not think that our ways
of thinking differ. What pleases me, more than anything else,
however, is your decision. It is not your dharma to sell ghee.
Your dharma consists in curing patients by nature cure or other
acceptable treatment. It is good that you will now earn a living
in the city practising nature cure. iiq: says the Bhagavad
Gita. It is part of a verse^ and means that even death in the
pursuance of one’s own dharma is good. There is only fear in
another’s dharma, never profit.
If you like you may also bring out a small magazine making
a mention of the statement you made while withdrawing your
books,^ and outlining your future course. Keep me informed.
You have to pass one test. You have to master the art of
getting on well with everybody, especially those with me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Hindi]
Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah Varsh, pp. 274-5
* In the mean while a telegram from Jamnalal Bajaj had been received
and Gandhiji asked Pyarelal to write to Radhakrishna Bajaj to send the fol-
lowing wire instead: “Your wire. Will gladly meet you Jaipur friends Bardoli
fourth. Bapu” {Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 208).
2 Bhagavad Gita, ni. 35
^ This had appeared in Harijan, 14-12-1934, with a comment by Gan-
dhiji. Vide Vol. LIX, pp. 447-8.
303. INTERVIEW TO TIMOTHY TINGEANG LEW^
December 31, 1938
Rev. Lew, ... in conveying thanks for the Indian medical mission to
help the Chinese, remarked:
“We appreciate it as an expression of India’s sympathy and goodwill
towards China. China’s struggle is not merely for China but for the whole
of Asia. . . .
“We are not afraid of material destruction, . . . but of cultural destruc-
tion. The first bomb in Shanghai hit a library. Colleges have been wiped
out. Professors have been killed. . . .
“Even worse is the moral injury. . . .
“We want your message. . . . We look to you for spiritual guidance.”
GANDHiji: I was once asked by a Chinese friend from San-
tiniketan to give a message to the Chinese people. I had to ask
him to excuse me. I gave him my reasons. If I merely said I
sympathized with the Chinese in their struggle, it would be not
of much value as coming from me. I should love to be able to
say to the Chinese definitely that their salvation lay only through
non-violent technique. But then it is not for a person like me,
who is outside the fight, to say to a people who are engaged
in a life-and-death struggle, “Not this way, but that”. They
would not be ready to take up the new method, and they would
be unsettled in the old. My interference would only shake them
and confuse their minds.
But whilst I have no ‘message’ to send to the Chinese peo-
ple who are engaged in fighting, I have no hesitation in present-
ing my viewpoint to you. I was almost going to ask you as
to what you meant by being culturally ruined. I should be
sorry to learn that Chinese culture resided in brick and mortar
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A World in Agony”. Rev. Timothy Ting-
fang Lew was a member of the Chinese delegation to the Missionary Con-
ference at Tambaram. Lew was a member of the Legislative Yuan of China.
He had gone to Segaon to see Gandhiji along with two other Chinese dele-
gates, Y. T. Wu, editor of Association Press of Y. M.C. A., Shanghai, and P.
C. Hsu, author of several works on Confucius. There were also delegates
from Rhodesia and one from Japan — a “world in miniature”, as Gandhiji
described them; vide “Letter to F. Mary Barr”, pp. 284-5.
262
INTERVIEW TO TIMOTHY TINGFANG LEW
263
or in huge tomes which the moths can eat. A nation’s culture
resides in the hearts and in the soul of its people. Chinese cul-
ture is Chinese only to the extent that it has become part and
parcel of Chinese life. Your saying, therefore, that your culture
and your morals are in danger of being destroyed, leads one to
think that the reform movement in your country was only skin-
deep. Gambling had not disappeared from the people’s hearts.
It was kept down not by the tone set by society, but by the
penalty of the law. The heart continued to gamble. Japan is of
course to blame and must be blamed for what it has done or is
doing. But then Japan is just now like the wolf whose business
it is to make short work of the sheep. Blaming the wolf would
not help the sheep much. The sheep must learn not to fall into
the clutches of the wolf.
If even a few of you took to non-violence, they would stand
forth as living monuments of Chinese culture and morals. And
then, even if China were overwhelmed on the battlefield, it
would be well with China in the end, because it would at the
same time be receiving a message which contains a promise
of hope and deliverance. Japan cannot force drugs down un-
willing throats at the point of the bayonet. It can only set up
temptations. You cannot teach people to resist these tempta-
tions by replying to Japanese force by force. Whatever else force
may or may not be able to achieve, it cannot safeguard Chinese
morals or save Chinese culture.
If you feel the truth of my remarks, you will become a
living message to China. You will then tell the Chinese people:
“No matter what material destruction Japan inflicts, it cannot
bring about China’s cultural destruction. Our people must be
sufficiently educated and warned to resist all the temptations that
Japan may devise. Monuments and cities may be razed to the
ground. They are but a passing show that is going one day to
be claimed by time as its own. If they are destroyed by the
Japanese, it will only be a morsel taken out of time’s mouth.
The Japanese cannot corrupt our soul. If the soul of China is
injured, it will not be by Japan.”
The Chinese friend was of opinion that only the economic collapse of
Japan could save China. He wanted to know what the prospects of a
boycott of Japanese goods by India were.
GANDHiji : I wish I could say that there was any great hope.
Our sympathies are with you but they have not stirred us to
our very depths, or else we should have boycotted all Japanese
goods, especially Japanese cloth. Japan is not only conquering
264 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
you but it is trying to conquer us too by its cheap, flimsy
machine-made goods. The sending of the Medical Mission was
good as a gesture of friendship and goodwill which there are in
abundance. But that does not give me much satisfaction when
I know we could do much more. We too are a big nation like
you. If we told the Japanese: ‘We are not going to import a
single yard of your calico nor export any of our cotton to you,’
Japan would think twice before proceeding with its aggression.
Harijan, 28-1-1939
304. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
[1938Y
CHI. A. S.,
What can I say! There is ‘T in whatever you do. I do
not complain of that. Your inability to eat yesterday proves that
I have no influence over you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 612
305. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
{1938Y
DAUGHTER,
You can do anything to improve your health but nothing
if you find excuses to put it off. I shall be very happy if you
get well.
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 613
* & ^ From the placing of the letter in Bapuke Patra-8: Bibi Amiussalaamke
Nam
306. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
{1938Y
I cannot write anything today. Do what Sushila says in
her letter. Do not let your health deteriorate.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 614
307. ENLIGHTENED ANARCHT—A POLITICAL IDEAL
Political power, in my opinion, cannot be our ultimate aim. It
is one of the means used by men for their all-round advancement.
The power to control national life through national representatives
is called political power. Representatives will become unnecessary if
the national life becomes so perfect as to be self-controlled. It will
then be a state of enlightened anarchy in which each person will
become his own ruler. He will conduct himself in such a way
that his behaviour will not hamper the well-being of his neighbours.
In an ideal State there will be no political institution and therefore
no political power. That is why Thoreau has said in his classic
statement that that government is the best which governs the least.
[From Hindi]
Sarvodaya, January, 1939
308. DISCUSSION WITH MAURICE ERTDMAN^
[On or before January 1, 1939]^
FRYDMAN : What attitude should I, as a realist, adopt with regard to
the tide of industrialization that is sweeping over the world?. .. Is it not waste
of energy merely to oppose it? Would it not be better to try to change its
direction ?
* From the placing of the letter in Bapuke Patra-8: Bibi Amtussalaamke Nam
^Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Weekly Letter”. Frydman, commonly
known as Bharatanand, was a Pole. He was the head of the Government
Electrical Workshop at Bangalore. He took a keen interest in Indian politics
and philosophy.
^ Gandhiji was in Segaon, where Frydman visited him, till January 1.
265
266
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
GANDHiji: You are an engineer. You will therefore appreciate
an illustration from mechanics. You know the parallelogram of
forces. There the forces do not neutralize each other. Each force
acts freely along its own line and we get the resultant which
indicates the final direction of motion. It is the same with the
problem you have mentioned. As I look at Russia where
the apotheosis of industrialization has been reached, the life
there does not appeal to me. To use the language of the
Bible, “What shall it avail a man if he gain the whole world and
lose his soul?” In modern terms, it is beneath human dignity to
lose one’s individuality and become a mere cog in the machine. I
want every individual to become a full-blooded, fully developed
member of society. The villages must become self-sufficient. I see
no other solution if one has to work in terms of ahimsa. Now I
have that conviction. I know there are others who believe in industri-
alization. I work with all my being for my conviction. The
process of adjustment goes on all the time. I do not know what the
outcome of it will be. But whatever it is, it will be to the good.
F. But, is no compromise with industrialization possible without impe-
rilling the ideal of self-sufficient villages?
G. Oh yes. Railways are there, I do not avoid them. I
hate motor-cars, but I make use of them willy-nilly all the same.
Again, I dislike fountain-pens, but just now I am making use of
one though I carry a reed pen about in my box. Every time I
use the fountain-pen it hurts me and I think of the neglected
reed pen in my box. Compromise comes in at every step, but
one must realize that it is a compromise and keep the final goal
constantly in front of the mind’s eye.
F. When I turn from the busy West to masses in the Indian villages,
I seem to be moving in a different world altogether in which stagnation reigns.
G. Yes, so long as you look on the surface. But the mom-
ent you talk to them and they begin to speak, you will find that
wisdom drops from their lips. Behind the crude exterior you will
find a deep reservoir of spirituality. I call this culture. You will
not find such a thing in the West. You try to engage a Euro-
pean peasant in conversation, and you will find that he is unin-
terested in things spiritual. In the case of the Indian villager an
age-old culture is hidden under an encrustment of crudeness.
Take away the encrustation, remove his chronic poverty and his
illiteracy and you have the finest specimen of what a cultured,
cultivated, free citizen should be.
Harijan, 28-1-1939
309. LETTER TO S. VELU PILLAI
Wardha,
January 1, 1939
Your telegram made painful reading. I have given the best
advice I was capable of giving. I have no partiality for the
Dewan. I repeatedly told the friends who came here that they
were not to withdraw the allegations, unless they felt that my
advice was thoroughly sound. I never said they were to be with-
drawn against the express wish of the people. After all you,
as leaders, were expected to know the wishes of the people. In
spite of your telegram, I hold that withdrawal of the allegations
was sound. If now the prosecutions continue, your course is clear.
If there is unrest, you the leaders should be able to allay the unrest
by showing the wisdom of the step you have taken. If the move-
ment is really sound and the people are backing it with knowledge,
it should be now stronger than it ever was. The burden of the
allegations being removed, your course is absolutely clear and if
you can control the forces of violence there is no difficulty in the
way of your launching civil disobedience. My own conscience is
absolutely clear. My advice is still at your disposal.
The Hindu, 16-1-1939
310. INTERVIEW TO TINGEANG LEW, T. T. WU AND
P. C. HSm
[January 1, 1939Y
The Chinese delegates put searching questions. . . . One of them asked:
“Is it not necessary that individuals should practise non-violence first in
their own person, in their relations with other individuals?”
’ This was in answer to the addressee’s telegram saying that the Dewan
had not responded to the withdrawal of the allegations by the State Cong-
ress, that the Travancore fight had resulted in nothing, that arrests were
continuing and that there was unrest everywhere in the State.
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A World in Agony”
^ Pyarelal says the Tambaram Conference delegates were in Segaon “on
the last day of the dying year and the New Year’s Day”. Also that Lew
saw Gandhiji separately on the first day {vide pp. 262-4) and that the whole
group had discussion with him “later”, which presumably meant January 1.
267
268
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
GANDHiji : It would be a delusion to think otherwise. If one
does not practise non-violence in one’s personal relations with
others and hopes to use it in bigger affairs, one is vastly mis-
taken. Non-violence like charity must begin at home. But if it is
necessary for the individual to be trained in non-violence, it is
even more necessary for the nation to be trained likewise. One
cannot be non-violent in one’s own circle and violent outside it.
Or else, one is not truly non-violent even in one’s own circle;
often the non-violence is only in appearance. It is only when
you meet with resistance, as for instance when a thief or murder-
er appears, that your non-violence is put on its trial. You
either try or should try to oppose the thief with his own wea-
pons, or you try to disarm him by love. Living among decent
people, your conduct may not be described as non-violent.
Mutual forbearance is not non-violence. Immediately, therefore,
you get the conviction that non-violence is the law of life, you
have to practise it towards those who act violently towards you,
and the law must apply to nations as to individuals. Training
is no doubt necessary. And beginnings are always small. But
if the conviction is there, the rest will follow.
q. In the practice of non-violence, is there not danger of developing
a ‘martyrdom complex’ or pride creeping in?
A. If one has that pride and egoism, there is no non-
violence. Non-violence is impossible without humility. My own
experience is that whenever I have acted non-violently I have
been led to it and sustained in it by the higher promptings of
an unseen Power. Through my own will I should have misera-
bly failed. When I first went to jail, I quailed at the prospect.
I had heard terrible things about jail life. But I had faith in
God’s protection. Our experience was that those who went to
jail in a prayerful spirit came out victorious, those who had gone
in their own strength failed. There is no room for self-pitying
in it either, when you say God is giving you the strength. Self-
pity comes when you do a thing for which you expect recogni-
tion from others. But here there is no question of recognition.
Another friend thus placed his dilemma: “I am a firm believer in
non-violence. Eight years ago, I read your Experiments with Truth and . . .
translated the book into Chinese. And then came the Japanese invasion. My
faith in non-violence was put to a severe test. . . . On the one hand, I felt
I could not preach non-violence to my people who . . . believed that resist-
ance with force was the only way out. . . . But on the other hand, when I
try to take a sympathetic attitude and try to do something helpful in such
INTERVIEW TO TINGFANG LEW, Y. T. WU AND P. C. HSU 269
a situation, I find I am giving moral and material support directly and
indirectly to something which is against the highest that I know. . .
G. Yours is a difficult situation. Such difficulties have con-
fronted me more than once. I took part on the British side in
the Boer War by forming an ambulance corps. I did likewise
at the time of what has been described as the Zulu revolt. The
third time was during the great war. I believed in non-violence
then. My motive was wholly non-violent. That seemingly incon-
sistent conduct gave me strength. My example cannot be used as a
precedent for others to follow. Looking back upon my conduct
on those three occasions, I have no sense of remorse. I know this
too that my non-violent strength did not suffer diminution because
of those experiences. The actual work I was called upon to do
was purely humanitarian, especially during the Zulu revolt. I
and my companions were privileged to nurse the wounded Zulus
back to life. It is reasonable to suggest that but for our services
some of them would have died. I cite this experience not to
justify my participation however indirect it was. I cite it to show
that I came through that experience with greater non-violence
and with richer love for the great Zulu race. And I had an
insight into what war by white men against coloured races meant.
The lesson to be learnt from it by you is that, placed as you
are in a position of hopeless minority, you may not ask your peo-
ple to lay down their arms unless their hearts are changed and
by laying down their arms they feel the more courageous and
brave. But whilst you may not try to wean people from war,
you will in your person live non-violence in all its completeness
and refuse all participation in war. You will develop love for
the Japanese in your hearts. You will examine yourself whether
you can really love them, whether you have not some ill will
towards them for all the harm they are doing. It is not enough
to love them by remembering their virtues. You must be able to
love them in spite of all their misdeeds. If you have that love
for the Japanese in your hearts, you will proceed to exhibit in
your conduct that higher form of courage which is the hall mark
of true non-violence and which your Chinese friends will not fail
to detect and recognize as such. You will not wish success to
Japanese arms because you ‘love’ the Japanese. At the same time
you will not pray for the success of Chinese arms. It is very
difficult to judge, when both sides are employing weapons of
violence, which side ‘deserves’ to succeed. You will therefore
pray only that the right should prevail. Whilst you will keep
yourself aloof from all violence you will not shirk danger. You
270
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
will serve friend and foe alike with a reckless disregard for your
life. You will rush forth if there is an outbreak of an epidemic
or a fire to be combated and distinguish yourself by your sur-
passing courage and non-violent heroism. But you will refuse to
call the curses of heaven upon the Japanese. If by chance some
Japanese soldiers or airmen fall into the hands of the Chinese and
are in danger of being lynched by an infuriated Chinese mob or
Otherwise ill-treated, you will plead for them with your own peo-
ple and if necessary even protect them with your life. You know
the story of Emily Hobhouse. Though an Englishwoman, she
courageously went to the Boer concentration camps. She exhort-
ed the Boers never to lose heart, and it is said that if she had
not steeled the hearts of the Boer women as she did, the war
might have taken a different turn. She was full of wrath against
her own people for whom she had not a good word to say.
You would not copy her unmeasured wrath which somewhat
vitiated her non-violence, but you will copy her love for the
‘enemy’ that made her denounce the misdeeds of her own coun-
trymen. Your example will affect the Chinese and might even
shame some Japanese who will become bearers of your message
among the Japanese.
A very slow process, you will perhaps say. Yes, possibly,
under the existing adverse circumstances to begin with. But it
will gather momentum and speed in an incalculable manner as
you proceed. I am an irrepressible optimist. My optimism
rests on my belief in the infinite possibilities of the individual to
develop non-violence. The more you develop it in your own
being, the more infectious it becomes till it overwhelms your
surroundings and by and by might over-sweep the world.
C>. I, a believer in non-violence, often find that I am actuated by mixed
motives. So does a war general have mixed motives. Is it not possible to
fight with love for the enemy in one’s heart ? May we not shoot out of love ?
A. We do often have mixed motives. But that would not
be non-violence. There can be degrees in violence, not in non-
violence. The constant effort of the votary of non-violence is to
purge himself of hatred towards the so-called enemy. There is
no such thing as shooting out of love in the way you suggest.
The last to place before Gandhiji his problem was Mr. P. C. Hsu.
p. c. HSu: I can say honestly, I have no feeling of hatred towards
the Japanese people but I feel their military system is an evil. ... I had hoped
that at Tambaram, at any rate, an international link between the two
countries on the basis of mutual goodwill and peace would be forged. But I
INTERVIEW TO TINGE ANG LEW, Y. T. WU AND P. C. HSU 271
was disillusioned. . . . Our difficulty is this : While sincerely believing
in non-violence, we have not found a way of making it effective.
G. Should that present a difficulty? A person who realizes
a particular evil of his time and finds it overwhelms him, dives
deep in his own heart for inspiration, and when he gets it, he presents
it to others. Meetings and group organizations are all right. They
are of some help, but very little. They are like the scaffolding that an
architect erects — a temporary and makeshift expedient. The thing
that really matters is an invincible faith that cannot be quenched.
Faith can be developed. Only, the way it can be developed
and in which it works differs from that in the case of violence.
You cannot develop violence through prayer. Faith, on the other
hand, cannot be developed except through prayer.
Non-violence succeeds only when we have a living faith in
God. Buddha, Jesus, Mahomed — they were all warriors of peace
in their own style. We have to enrich the heritage left by these
world teachers. God has His own wonderful way of executing
His plans and choosing His instruments. The Prophet and Abu
Bakr trapped in a cave were saved from their persecutors by a
spider which had woven its web across the mouth of that cave.
All the world teachers, you should know, began with a zero ! !
q. Whilst we have isolated individuals who have the mind of Jesus,
because they are not united, not organized, theirs remains a mere cry in the
wilderness. The question that arises in my mind is: Can love be organized,
and if so, how?
A. Organization in the orthodox sense may not be possible.
But there is no bar to united non-violent action. I am trying to
show by a series of experiments that it is possible. It has its
own technique.
Q,. If China wins the war, will she be worse off or better off for her
victory?
A. If China wins and copies Japanese methods, she will
beat Japan hollow at her own game. But the victory of China
will not mean a new hope for the world. For China will then
be a multiple edition of Japan. But whether China wins or goes
down, your line of action is clear. If China is defeated on the
battlefield, your non-violence will remain undaunted and will
have done its work. If China wins, you will go to the gallows
in the attempt to wean China from copying Japan’s methods.
Harijan, 28-1-1939
311. INTERVIEW TO S. S. TEMW
^January 1, 1939Y
tema: How can my people make their Congress as successful as the
Indian National Congress ?
GANDHiji: The Congress became successful for the simple
reason that it was inaugurated by the most selfless and cultured
people that could be found in that age. They made themselves
the representatives of the people and captured their imagination
by reason of service and self-sacrifice. They were from the peo-
ple and of the people. You have not, as far as I am aware, a
band of Africans who would be content to work and live in
impecuniosity. Among those who are educated there is not
that absolute selflessness. Again, while most of your leaders are
Christians, the vast mass of the Bantus and Zulus are not Chris-
tians. You have adopted European dress and manners, and
have as a result become strangers in the midst of your own peo-
ple. Politically, that is a disadvantage. It makes it difficult for
you to reach the heart of the masses. You must not be afraid of
being ‘Bantuized’ or feel ashamed of carrying an assagai or of
going about with only a tiny clout round your loins. A Zulu
or a Bantu is a well-built man and need not be ashamed of show-
ing his body. He need not dress like you. You must become
Africans once more.
T. Of late there has been some talk of forming an Indo-African united
non-white Front in South Africa. What do you think about it?
G. It will be a mistake. You will be pooling together
not strength but weakness. You will best help one another by
each standing on his own legs. The two cases are different. The
Indians are a microscopic minority. They can never be a ‘men-
ace’ to the white population. You, on the other hand, are the
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A World in Agony-II”. Rev. S. S.
Tema of D. R. Mission, Johannesburg, was a Negro and a member of the
African Congress. He was one of the delegates to the Tambaram Conference
who had come to see Gandhiji after the Conference was over.
^ The delegates were in Segaon on December 31 and January 1. On
December 31 only Lew saw Gandhiji. Tema presumably met him on Janu-
ary 1.
272
INTERVIEW TO S. S. TEMA
273
sons of the soil who are being robbed of your inheritance. You
are bound to resist that. Yours is a far bigger issue. It ought
not to be mixed up with that of the Indian. This does not prec-
lude the establishment of the friendliest relations between the
two races. The Indians can co-operate with you in a number of
ways. They can help you by always acting on the square
towards you. They may not put themselves in opposition to
your legitimate aspirations, or run you down as ‘savages’ while
exalting themselves as ‘cultured’ people in order to secure conces-
sions for themselves at your expense.
T. What sort of relations would you favour between these two races?
G. The closest possible. But while I have abolished all
distinction between an African and an Indian, that does not
mean that I do not recognize the difference between them. The
different races of mankind are like different branches of a tree —
once we recognize the common parent stock from which we are
sprung, we realize the basic unity of the human family, and there
is no room left for enmities and unhealthy competition.
T. Should we adopt violence or non-violence as a means for our
deliverance ?
G. Certainly, non-violence under all circumstances. But you
must have a living faith in it. Even when there is impenetrable
darkness surrounding you, you must not abandon hope. A person
who believes in non-violence believes in a living God. He
cannot accept defeat. Therefore, my advice is non-violence
all the time, but non-violence of the brave, not of the coward.
T. Your example has shed so much influence upon us that we are
thinking whether it would not be possible for one or two of our young
men, who we are hoping will become leaders, to come to you for training.
G. It is quite a good and sound idea.
T. Do you think Christianity can bring salvation to Africa ?
G. Christianity, as it is known and practised today, cannot
bring salvation to your people. It is my conviction that those
who today call themselves Christians do not know the true mes-
sage of Jesus. I witnessed some of the horrors that were perpe-
trated on the Zulus during the Zulu Rebellion. Because one man,
Bambatta, their chief, had refused to pay his tax, the whole race
was made to suffer. I was in charge of an ambulance corps. I
shall never forget the lacerated backs of Zulus who had received
stripes and were brought to us for nursing because no white
68-18
274
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
nurse was prepared to look after them. And yet those who per-
petrated all those cruelties called themselves Christians. They
were ‘educated’, better dressed than the Zulus, but not their
moral superiors.
T. Whenever a leader comes up in our midst, he flops down after a
while. He either becomes ambitious after money or succumbs to the drink
habit or some other vice and is lost to us. How shall we remedy this?
G. The problem is not peculiar to you. Your leadership
has proved ineffectual because it was not sprung from the com-
mon people. If you belong to the common people, live
like them and think like them, they will make common cause
with you. If I were in your place, I would not ask a single
African to alter his costume and make himself peculiar. It does
not add a single inch to his moral stature.
Harijan, 18-2-1939
312. RAJKOT
Hitherto I have said hardly anything about the Rajkot strug-
gle which has just ended* as brilliantly as it began. My silence
was not due to lack of interest. That was impossible owing to
my intimate connections with the place. Apart from my father
having been the Dewan of the State, the late Thakore Saheb
looked up to me as to a father. My silence was due to the fact
that Sardar Vallabhbhai was the soul of the movement. To
praise him or his work would be like self-praise.
The struggle showed what non-violent non-co-operation could
do, if there was adequate response from the people. I was whol-
ly unprepared for the unity, grit and capacity for sacrifice that
the people showed. They showed that they were greater than
their ruler, and that even an English Dewan was powerless
before a people united in non-violent action.
The Thakore Saheb deserves congratulations for taking the
reins in his own hands and overruling the English Dewan’s ad-
vice and the known wishes of the Resident.
* The settlement about establishing responsible government was reached on
December 26, 1938. The main terms were: (1) All repressive measures should
be withdrawn; (2) all political prisoners should be released; (3) satyagraha
should be called off; (4) to draft the constitution a committee of 10 persons
should be appointed, seven of whom should be those suggested by Vallabhbhai
Patel.
RAJKOT
275
From documents in my possession I know that Sir Patrick
Cadell, supported by the Resident, cut a sorry figure as servant of
the Thakore Saheb. He acted as if he was the master. He traded
upon the fact that he belonged to the ruling race and his ap-
pointment was subject to the sanction of the central authority,
and thought that he could do what he liked. At the time of
writing I do not know whether he has wisely retired or what has
happened. The correspondence in my possession shows that the
ruling chiefs have seriously asked themselves whether it is wisdom
to have Europeans as their Dewans. The central authority has to
keep watch over Residents if its declarations are to be carried
out as well in the letter as in the spirit.
It is to be hoped that the ruling chiefs who stand in awe of
Residents will know from the Rajkot example that if they are
straight and if they have their people really at their back, they
have nothing to fear from the Residents. Indeed they should realize
that the Paramount Power resides not in Simla, not in White-
hall, but in their people. An awakened people who rely upon
non-violent strength are independent in the face of any conceiv-
able combination of armed powers. What Rajkot could do in
three months every State can do if the people show the qualities
that the people of Rajkot showed.
But I do not claim that the people of Rajkot had developed
the rare type of non-violence that would stand true in the face
of all odds. But Rajkot did show what even ordinary non-
violence by a whole people in an organization could do for it.
But great as was the work done by the people of Rajkot, as
civil resisters their real test is yet to come. Their victory, if it is
not followed up by a sustained exhibition of the same qualities
that secured it, may prove also their undoing. By a long course
of training Congressmen all over India have shown their capa-
city for offering civil resistance, but they have yet to show capa-
city for constructive non-violence. Civil disobedience may well
be adulterated with much incivility, i. e., violence, and yet
pass current. But construction is very difficult. In it detection
of violence is easy. And existence of violence may even turn vic-
tory into a trap and prove it to have been a delusion. Will the
people exhibit the requisite selflessness and self-denial? Will they
resist the temptation to serve themselves and their dependants?
Any scramble for power will rob the people at large of what
they should really get if there was wise and resolute leadership
that would command ready and willing obedience. Kathiawar is
noted for its intrigues. It contains a race of politicals whose one
276 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
aim in life is self-advancement, if it is also known to contain
stuff of which heroes are made. If the politicals gain the upper
hand, there will be no Ramraj in Rajkot. Ramraj means renunci-
ation ail along the line. It means discipline imposed by the peo-
ple on themselves. If constructive non-violence is displayed by the
people, it is possible for Rajkot to radiate an influence that can
easily make Rajkot an example to follow.
Let the victory, therefore, be a time for humility, heart-
search and prayer instead of self-satisfaction and vain rejoicings.
I shall watch, wait and pray.
On the Train to Bardoli, January 2, 1939
Harijan, 7-1-1939
313. IS NON-VIOLENCE INEEEECTIVE?
In dealing with my answer* to the criticism that the Jews
had been non-violent for 2,000 years. The Statesman says in the
course of an editorial:
The whole world has heard of Pastor Niemoeller^ and the
sulferings of the Lutheran Church; here many Pastors and individual
Christians bore themselves bravely before People’s Courts, violence and
threats; without retaliation they bore noble witness to the truth. And
what change of heart is there in Germany ? Buried in prisons and
concentration camps are today, and have been for five years, members of
the Bible Searchers’ Leagues who rejected Nazi militarism as conflicting
with Christ’s Gospel of peace. And how many Germans know of them
or, if they know, do anything about it ?
Non-violence, whether of the weak or of the strong, seems, except
in very special conditions, rather a personal than a social gospel. A
man’s salvation may be left to himself; politicians are concerned with
causes, creeds and minorities. It is suggested by Mr. Gandhi that Herr
Hitler would bow before a courage “infinitely superior to that shown by
his own Storm Troopers”. If that were so, one would have supposed
that he would have paid tribute to such men as Herr von Ossietzky^.
* Vide “Some Questions Answered”, pp. 191-3.
^ Martin Niemoeller, anti-Nazi Protestant theologian, who had been
arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned in a concentration camp
^ Carl von Ossietzky (1889-1938), German pacifist and writer. He was
arrested as an enemy of the State and imprisoned. While in jail he was
awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. Hitler was so enraged that he prohibi-
ted Germans thenceforth from accepting such awards.
IS NON-VIOLENCE INEFFECTIVE?
277
Courage to a Nazi, however, seems a virtue only when displayed by his
own supporters: elsewhere it becomes the impudent provocation of
Jewish-Marxist canaille. Mr. Gandhi has produced his prescription in
view of the inability of the Great Powers effectively to move in the
matter, an inability we all deplore and would see remedied. His sym-
pathy may do much for the comfort of the Jews, but seems likely to do
less for their enlargement. Christ is the supreme example of non-violence
and the indignities heaped upon Him at His tortured death proved once
and for all that in a worldly and temporal sense it can fail hopelessly.
I do not think that the sufJerings of Pastor Niemoeller and
others have been in vain. They have preserved their self-respect
intact. They have proved that their faith was equal to any
suffering. That they have not proved sufficient for melting Herr
Hitler’s heart merely shows that it is made of a harder material
than stone. But the hardest metal yields to sufficient heat.
Even so must the hardest heart melt before sufficiency of the
heat of non-violence. And there is no limit to the capacity of
non-violence to generate heat.
Every action is a resultant of a multitude of forces even of a
contrary nature. There is no waste of energy. So we learn in
the books on mechanics. This is equally true of human actions.
The difference is that in the one case we generally know the for-
ces at work, and when we do, we can mathematically foretell
the resultant. In the case of human actions, they result from a
concurrence of forces of most of which we have no knowledge.
But our ignorance must not be made to serve the cause of dis-
belief in the power of these forces. Rather is our ignorance a
cause for greater faith. And non-violence being the mightiest
force in the world and also the most elusive in its working, it
demands the greatest exercise of faith. Even as we believe in
God in faith, so have we to believe in non-violence in faith.
Herr Hitler is but one man enjoying no more than the av-
erage span of life. He would be a spent force if he had not the
backing of his people. I do not despair of his responding to
human suffering even though caused by him. But I must refuse
to believe that the Germans as a nation have no heart or marked-
ly less than the other nations of the earth. They will some day
or other rebel against their own adored hero, if he does not wake
up betimes. And when he or they do, we shall find that the
sufferings of the Pastor and his fellow-workers had not a little to
do with the awakening.
An armed conflict may bring disaster to German arms; it
cannot change the German heart even as the last defeat did not.
278 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It produced a Hitler vowed to wreak vengeance on the victors.
And what a vengeance it is! My answer, therefore, must be the
answer that Stephenson gave to his fellow-workers who had des-
paired of ever filling the deep pit that made the first railway
possible. He asked his co-workers of little faith to have more
faith and go on filling the pit. It was not bottomless, it must
be filled. Even so I do not despair because Herr Hitler’s
or the German heart has not yet melted. On the contrary I
plead for more suffering and still more till the melting has be-
come visible to tbe naked eye. And even as the Pastor has co-
vered himself with glory, a single Jew bravely standing up and
refusing to bow to Hitler’s decrees will cover himself with glory
and lead the way to the deliverance of the fellow Jews.
I hold that non-violence is not merely a personal virtue. It is
also a social virtue to be cultivated like the other virtues. Surely
society is largely regulated by the expression of non-violence in
its mutual dealings. What I ask for is an extension of it on a
larger, national and international scale.
I was unprepared to find the view expressed by The Statesman
writer that the example of Christ proved once and for all that in
a worldly and temporal sense it can fail hopelessly 1 1 Though I
cannot claim to be Christian in the sectarian sense, the example
of Jesus’ suffering is a factor in the composition of my undying
faith in non-violence which rules all my actions, worldly and tem-
poral. And I know that there are hundreds of Christians who
believe likewise. Jesus lived and died in vain if he did not teach
us to regulate the whole of life by the eternal Law of Love.
On the Train to Bardoli, January 2, 1939
Harijan, 7-1-1939
314. TELEGRAM TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
[On or after January 4, 1939^
PLEASE CONVEY MY HEARTFELT CONDOLENCE FOR THE
UNTIMELY DEMISE OF MR. RAMAN MENON TO THE
BEREAVED FAMILY. SETH JAMNALAL BAJAJ JOINS.
The Hindu, 6-1-1939
* Raman Menon died on January 3. Jamnalal Bajaj arrived in Bardoli,
where Gandhiji was, on January 4.
315. TELEGRAM TO KRISHNASWAMT
January 5, 1939
WIRE REDIRECTED. MY OPINION SUCH CANDIDATE INELIGIBLE
BUT YOU SHOULD SECURE AUTHORITATIVE RULING FROM
PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE.
Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
316. LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI
Bardoli,
January 5, 1939
MY DEAR SHUAIB,
Zakir Husain was with me for four or five days. In the
course of our conversations I learnt that the aid that was given
to the Jamia Millia by Bhopal had been stopped. Is there any
reason for the stoppage except the pressure on the purse? If
there is not, I would like you to think of some retrenchment for
the sake of the Jamia. It seems to supply a felt want. It seems
to be the only institution manned by Muslims which has self-
sacrificing workers who are staunch Muslims and equally staunch
nationalists.
Now that I have disburdened myself of the load that was
weighing on me, I leave the matter in your safe hands.
I hope Gulnar and baby are doing well.
Love to you all.
Bapu
Janab Shuaib Qureshi Saheb
Bhopal
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
^ The addressee had asked whether producers and weavers of uncerti-
fied khadi were eligible to stand for election as delegates to Tripura Congress.
279
317. LETTER TO RANCHHODLAL PATWARI
Bardoli,
January 6, 1939
RESPECTED BROTHER,
I have received your letter . What you write is quite true.
The real test is yet to come.* I have shown your letter to Sar-
dar. He has just left for Bombay. However, he has left word
that your fear is out of place.
My going to Ahmedabad is not in the programme.
Salutations from
Mohandas
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4123. Also C.W. 2789.
Courtesy: Chhaganlal Gandhi
318. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI
Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
President State Congress
Trivandrum
GLAD demonstrations CANCELLED AND PROHIBITION
LAUNCHED. DELIGHTED PROSECUTIONS WITHDRAWN.^
Gandhi
From the original: Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
319. TELEGRAM TO G. RAMACHANDRAN
\_January 7, 1939Y
WHY NOTHING FROM YOU? LOVE.
Bapu
Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* The reference is to the Rajkot Satyagraha; vide “Letter to Ranchhodlal
Patwari”, p. 163.
^ This was in reply to the Acting President R. Sankar’s telegram dated
January 3, 1939, informing Gandhiji of the launching of a prohibition campaign.
^ This was written on the same sheet on which the telegram to Pattom
Thanu Pillai, the preceding item, was drafted.
280
320. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
January 7, 1939
IN JAMNALALJI S LETTER JAIPUR STATE THERE IS
REFERENCE TO YOUR TELEGRAM DATED OCTOBER
TWELFTH ADVISING THAT REMAINING SIKAR PRISONERS
WILL BE RELEASED THIRTEENTH. YOUR NAME NOT
MENTIONED BUT MAY HAVE TO BE IF CHALLENGED.
HAVE YOU ANY OBJECTION? WIRE BARDOLI.
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 209
321. DRAET OE PRESS STATEMENT EOR
JAMNALAL BAJAJ^
Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
Rumours have been going the round as to what I am going
to do about the ban on my entry into Jaipur State — my
birth-place and ancestral home. The ban is as much a surprise
to me as to my friends. My whole life has been passed in the
interests of peace in all walks of life. Whatever else non-
violence may be with Congressmen it is my creed and I try
as much as it is in my power to live up to it. I am no enemy
of States. I have always maintained a friendly attitude towards
them. I have always believed the States to be capable of respond-
ing to the new awakening that has taken place in India. I
am now carrying on correspondence with a view to find out the
secret lying behind the ban. The wording of the order in no
sense applies to me. I do not wish to act in haste. I have no
desire to embarrass the Jaipur State authorities. But if every
honourable effort to have the ban removed fails the public may
depend upon my doing my duty.
My present and immediate object is to afford through the
MandaP relief to the famine-stricken in Jaipur State. I hope
that the ban will not be allowed to disturb the would-be donors.
’ This was sent to Pilani.
^ The draft was in Gandhiji’s hand.
^ Jaipur Rajya Praja Mandal
281
282
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I am making arrangements for all eventualities. Indeed my
main reason for going to Jaipur was to devise measures for fam-
ine relief.
My second immediate concern is to try to secure the release
of the nine prisoners during the recent crisis in Sikar. One of
them is convicted and eight are still awaiting trial. I had good
grounds for hoping that they would come in for general amnes-
ty. I can only assure them that I shall leave no stone unturned
to secure their release while I am still free.
From a photostat: G.N. 3077
322. DRAFT OF LETTER FOR JAMJVALAL BAJAJ^
Camp Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
TO
The President
Council of State, Jaipur
SIR,
The attached order dated 16th December last was served
on me on the 28th of the same month at Sawai Madhopur whilst
I was on my way to Jaipur.
The order came as a painful surprise to me. At the station
I had over an hour’s chat with Mr. F. S. Young, I. G. P., who
was persuading me not to commit a breach of the order. I did
not need much persuasion as in a discussion with Gandhiji, of
the possibility of such an order being served on me, he had ad-
vised me not to break the order immediately but to consider the
whole situation in consultation with him before taking any final
step.
Accordingly I suspended my journey and proceeded to Delhi.
After having conferred with friends and fellow-workers and finally
Gandhiji, I have come to the conclusion that on the 1st of Feb-
ruary next I should commit a breach of the order unless, before
then, it is unconditionally revoked.
The authorities know that a public appeal was issued by me
on 1st November last on behalf of the Jaipur Rajya Praja Man-
dal, of which I am President, that as famine had overtaken She-
khawati and other areas, relief work was to be undertaken by the
’ The draft was prepared and twice revised by Gandhiji. The first
draft in Gandhiji’s hand is available in G.N. 3076.
DRAFT OF LETTER FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ 283
Mandal to the exclusion of all other activity. They were also
aware that on a newspaper report having appeared to the effect
that civil disobedience was to be started in Jaipur I had issued
a flat contradiction.
I do not know what had happened on or before the 16th
December to warrant the passing of the order in anticipation
of my seeking to enter Jaipur State. I note that on the same
date a notification was published in the State Gazette to the
effect that “an emergency has arisen which makes it necessary
to provide against instigation to illegal refusal to the payment
of certain liabilities”. Seeing that the order against my entry
was passed the same day, it is reasonable to assume that in the
opinion of the authorities I would be connected with the feared
movement of illegal refusal of taxes. Surely if the authorities
had any fear of my leading such a movement, they might have
at least ascertained from me as to the truth or otherwise of the
information in their possession. They knew me sufficiently to
feel sure that I would not conceal the truth from them.
Indeed the authorities know I rendered help to them also
during the recent crisis in Sikar consistently with my obligations
to the people. They know that my offices were used entirely on
behalf of peace.
My surprise may therefore be better imagined than I can
describe it when I learnt from the order that “your (my) pre-
sence and activities are likely to lead to a breach of the peace”,
and that, therefore, “it is considered necessary in the public inte-
rest and for the maintenance of public tranquillity to prohibit
your (my) entry within the Jaipur State.” I have no hesitation
in saying that the notice belies the whole of my public career.
I observe that I have been described as of Wardha. I hope
this is a slip. For the Jaipur State, surely I am of Jaipur. I do
not cease to be of Jaipur because I have interests in Wardha
and elsewhere.
It has become a serious question for my co-workers and me
to consider our position in the State.
The Praja Mandal was started in July of 1931 and reorganiz-
ed in November 1936. It has a constitution. It has many
distinguished men of Jaipur State as its members. It has hither-
to carried on its activities within the four corners of the Jaipur
law and submitted even to irksome and illiberal restrictions re-
garding meetings and processions.
But the order served on me has opened the eyes of the Man-
dal. It has come to the conclusion that it must resort to civil
284
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
disobedience if civil liberty is not guaranteed and meetings and
processions and forming of associations are not allowed without
let or hindrance so long as they observe strict non-violence.
I should define the scope of our activity. There is no mis-
take as to our goal. We want responsible government under the
aegis of the Maharaja. We must therefore tell the people what it
is and what they should do to deserve it. But we do not propose
to offer civil disobedience for it. We must, however, seek the
redress of the grievances of all classes of the people; we must
carry on constructive and educative activities. The Mandal has
no desire whatsoever to preach non-payment of taxes at this stage.
If we secure the co-operation of the State in our essentially
peaceful and life-building activities and in the redress of admitted
grievances there never need be any resort to non-payment of
taxes. But should it unfortunately become a necessity, the Man-
dal will give the State authorities ample notice of its intention
to do so. For the Mandal stands for open, honourable and strict-
ly non-violent methods. Therefore, what I am pleading for is
full liberty to the Mandal to carry on its perfectly legitimate and
non-violent activities without let or hindrance. If, however, this
reasonable request is not granted before the 31st day of this
month, I shall reluctantly be compelled to attempt to enter the
State in spite of the order, and the Mandal will hold itself free
to take such steps as it may deem necessary for self-expression
consistent with human dignity.
I hold that to do less will be to commit civil suicide. I
trust that the Council of State will not put an unbearable strain
upon my loyalty and that of the members of the Mandal.
/ have, etc.,
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, pp. 393-6; also G.N. 3076
323. LETTER TO E. MART BARR
Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
CHI. MARY,
Of course your letters are business letters, but business let-
ters, when the business is the service of God’s creatures, become
love letters. Therefore there need be no apology for your letters
being business letters.
STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 285
I can’t think of any woman who will suit the purpose men-
tioned by you.
Muriel brought a party of 18 persons. I called it a world
in miniature.*
Though it is quite a formal thing, let me reciprocate the
good wishes for this year.
Love to you and Mira.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 6074. Also C.W. 3404. Courtesy: F. Mary
Barr
324. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
How are you getting on? What are you doing? Are you
keeping cheerful? Tell me everything.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1916
325. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
January 7, 1939
The murder of Major R. L. Bazalgette,^ the Political Agent
of Orissa States, is most unfortunate and comes as a rude shock.
I tender my sympathy to the bereaved family. I hope that the
subedar, who accompanied the deceased, will recover from the
wounds. The Praja Mandal is expected to carry on the strict-
est investigation and find out the cause of the murder. It should
be a warning to all workers to be most careful in conducting
mass agitations. They should realize that the slightest departure
from non-violence is bound to harm the movement for freedom,
whether in the States or all India.
Harijan, 14-1-1939
’ Vide footnote on p. 262.
^ Bazalgette was killed by a mob in Rampur State in Orissa on
January 5, 1939.
326. UNCERTIFIED DEALERS^
The Secretary of the Tamil Nad Spinners’ Association has
sent us a complaint which he has received from the Kerala Branch
of the Spinners’ Association. The complaint gives conclusive
proof that some merchants of Tiruppur are dumping cloth
under description 'shuddha khadi’ and even making use of the
name of the Spinners’ Association. Two labels have been sent by
the Secretary which were affixed to the cloth thus sold, and the
labels show the names of ‘S. Mariasusai Chettiar, Khaddar
Store, Tiruppur’ and ‘M. K. Chidambaram Chettiar and Bro-
ther A. Palaniappa Mudaliar, Khaddar Store, Tiruppur’, and
the description is ‘shuddha khadi, certified by A. I. S. A’.
S. Mariasusai Chettiar has never been certified by the
A. I. S. A. for dealing in khadi, and A. Palaniappa Mudaliar was
decertified some four years ago. Such deception can certainly be
punished under the ordinary Indian Penal Code. It would, how-
ever, be much better for the merchants as well as for the public
if the public demand for khadi were not thus exploited, and
if merchants who have not been certified abstain from such busi-
ness, or at least abstain from fraudulently using the name of the
Spinners’ Association.
Bardoli, January 8, 1939
Harijan, 14-1-1939
327. SARDAR PRITHVI SINGH^
Sardar Prithvi Singh writes to me to say that he is keeping
well and that his requirements are being supplied by the autho-
rities and friends as the case may be. I am in constant corres-
pondence with him. He tells me that many friends are desirous
of meeting him. He wishes me to thank them all but also to
tell them that they need not take the trouble to go all the way
to Rawalpindi to meet him. And when they do wish to do so,
they should not feel disappointed if they are not immediately
given a date. The visiting days generally remain full. He would
These appeared under “Notes”.
286
TRAVANCORE
287
like all friends desiring to visit him to correspond with me so
that I might guide them. Whilst I convey this wish to the would-
be visitors, and whilst Pyarelal, or Mahadev as soon as he is per-
mitted to take up full work, will gladly make arrangements, this
will be possible only in a few cases. For nothing will be possible
without correspondence with the authorities. This means taxing
work to which those who are helping me are hardly equal in the
present state of my health.
Bardoli, January 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-1-1939
328. TRAVANCORE
A Travancore Christian friend writes:
There is a great misunderstanding about you among the Christian
circles of Travancore that you are absolutely against the interests
of Christians, and this has originated since you have begun to insist on
the withdrawal of the memorial to the Maharaja. The trend of public
opinion as has been expressed to me by many friends is something like
this:
By the influence of the Travancore Maharani and Sir C. P.
Ramaswami Iyer you are wrongly made to understand that the present
movement in Travancore is only a rising of the Christians for absolute
supremacy over the Hindus of Travancore. It is with this impression in
the background of your mind that you are today working against
the Travancore movement. Besides, due to the famous temple-entry
proclamation, Sir C. P. Ramaswami Iyer has done a great service to the
Hindu community as a whole, and therefore you want to save him from
any blemish and personal charges, whatever be his shortcomings. It is
with this end in view that you are so strongly pressing the State Congress
to withdraw the memorial. Otherwise there is no reason why you
should adopt one policy for Rajkot and another for Travancore. For in
the case of Rajkot Vallabhbhai Patel and many others have made so
many personal charges against the Dewan, and recently Vallabhbhai even
threatened to start another fight for the removal of the present Dewan.
You simply approve of all this. While in the case of Travancore, even
though it is absolutely impossible for you to understand the situation on
the spot being so far oflF, you simply dictate terms on the memorial
question and keep mum over all the unjust actions of the Government.
Even after the memorial has been withdrawn the leaders are kept in pri-
son and arrests are being continued in large numbers, and people are
288
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
terrorized all over the State even though the movement is almost dead.
All this you view in silence without uttering a word. This is a further
evidence of your partiality in siding with the Travancore Government.
Similar communications, more strongly worded, have also
been received by me. It might clear the atmosphere a little if I
answer the charges. My conscience is quite clear. I claim that
in no other State movements have I taken so much interest as
in the Travancore movement, for the simple reason that I was
pressed to do so by Shri G. Ramachandran who belongs to the
Sabarmati Ashram and in whose wisdom, courage, sincerity
and non-violence I have very great faith. He threw himself into
the struggle after receiving my consent. He had told me that
there were all sections interested in the struggle. It was at his ins-
tance that I requested Shrimati Rajkumari Amrit Kaur to go to
Travancore and do what was possible by way of negotiation.
I have been against the mixing up of the struggle for respon-
sible government with the charges against the Dewan. But I
have been equally insistent that the leaders need not withdraw
them unless they realized the soundness of my advice, for they
had to bear the brunt of public opposition, if there was any.
They could not do so, unless they could speak with conviction.
I told them too that they would be justified in prosecuting the
charges, if they made the dismissal the only issue, as they well
might. But if they insisted on responsible government, there
was no meaning in proceeding with the charges. It would
divide the country’s attention, and in the event of prosecution
their time and resources would be employed in proving the char-
ges. Whereas, if they got responsible government, which they
were bound to if they were united and strong in their faith in
non-violence and truth, they would have control over all the
Dewans, present and future. The charges have been withdrawn,
therefore, only because the leaders, as I see from the acting Pre-
sident’s statement just received by me, were fully convinced of
the advisability of withdrawing the charges.
The comparison with Rajkot is ignorant. I never guided
the movement there. There was no occasion for my guidance.
The Sardar was in no need of it. If he needed it, it was
always at his disposal. There was no question there of dis-
missal of the Dewan. The Sardar resolutely refused to have any-
thing to do with the charges, if the fight was to be for responsi-
ble government. Of course all sorts of people who opposed the
struggle came under his lash, but that was wholly different from
making dismissal of an official a plank in the struggle.
THE BAN ON JAMNALALJI
289
And my guidance in the Travancore struggle has never been
lacking. But the critics should understand that I am not con-
ducting the struggle. I advise when I am referred to. Nor need
or can all my advice and all my work be before the public gaze.
Much of my work is behind the curtain. It is not therefore
secret. I have nothing to hide. But many things need to be
done silently, even secretly (in the right sense of the word), in
the interest of the cause.
Lastly, let my critics understand that I am not interested in
the present Dewan retaining his office. If I have been in corres-
pondence with the Dewan, it has been only for the sake of the
cause, pleading for justice. And as for the Maharani, I have
never been in correspondence with Her Highness throughout the
struggle. I claim to be and have always been above partisanship.
I know no distinction between Christians and non-Christians in
terms of politics. I do in terms of religion, and then, too, I
hold the Christian religion and the other religions in the same
respect as my own.
Bardoli, January 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-1-1939
329. THE BAN ON JAMNALALJI
The ban on Jamnalalji makes curious reading. Here it is;
TO
Seth Jamnalal Bajaj
OF Wardha (C. P.)
Whereas it has been made to appear to the Jaipur Government
that your presence and activities within the Jaipur State are likely to
lead to a breach of the peace, it is considered necessary in the public
interest and for the maintenance of public tranquillity to prohibit your
entry within the Jaipur State.
You are, therefore, required not to enter Jaipur territory until
further orders.
By order of the Council of State
(Sd.) M. Altaf a. Kherie
Secretary, Council of State, Jaipur
He is the last person whose presence anywhere can be a
danger. He has ever been known as a peacemaker. He has
enjoyed the happiest relations with the official world. His worth
was so much recognized that he was awarded the title of Rai
68-19
290
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Bahadur in 1916 or thereabouts. This he returned during the
non-co-operation days. He is one of the best known merchants
in the commercial world. He is a banker besides being a com-
mercial magnate. Though an ardent Congressman he has never
been known as “an agitator”. He is foremost in constructive
work and social reform. True he has the courage of his convic-
tions and has more than once staked his all for these. He is
never afraid of prison. Obviously the description given in the
order served upon Jamnalalji is false and wholly inapplicable to
him. It will be probably urged that the wording is a mere for-
mality, and that without it the order could not be legally served
upon him. If that be so, it proves conclusively that persons like
Jamnalalji were never meant by the law to be affected by it. It
is an abuse, pure and simple, of the law to keep a person like
Jamnalalji out of Jaipur or any other part of the country.
And the humorous part of it all is that Jamnalalji had to
be described in the order as “of Wardha”. As a matter of fact
he belongs to the Jaipur State, has property there, and has many
relations residing there.
It is to such an order that Jamnalalji has submitted wholly
on my advice. There was a rumour that he might be arrested if
he attempted to enter Jaipur. He had therefore consulted me
as to his duty if an order was served on him. His co-workers of
Jaipur had held that he should defy any such order there and
then. I held a contrary opinion. And I have no cause to regret
my opinion. The order, I reasoned, would be a mad act. Mad
people should not be taken at their word. They should be given
time to cool down. I understand that great preparations were
made in anticipation of the arrest. There must have even been
a kind of disappointment when the arresting party discovered
that they were not to have their prey.
Jamnalalji has lost nothing by waiting and reasoning with
the authorities' and telling them that they have acted wrongly
and hastily. As a responsible man and Jaipur subject, it was
perhaps his duty to give them time to reconsider their decision.
If they do not, and Jamnalalji decides, as he must, to defy the
order, he will do so with added moral strength and prestige. And
it is moral strength that counts in non-violent action.
Let it be known that the Maharaja is merely a tool in the
hands of his Ministers who are all outsiders and some of them
English. They know nothing of the people or the country. They
are, as it were, imposed upon them. Jaipur talent is at a discount,
' Vide “Draft of Letter for Jamnalal Bajaj”, pp. 282-4.
TELEGRAM TO AKBAR HYDARI
291
though before the foreigners came, Jaipur was somehow or other
able to hold its own as a State. I had reason to remark last
week on the sorry figure the English Dewan cut in Rajkot dur-
ing his very brief term of office. At least the act of the Jaipur
Council consisting of outsiders is a sorry exhibition of irresponsi-
bility and ineptitude. The externment of one man, however
great, may appear to be insignificant. But events may prove
that it was a foolish and costly affair, if not much more. For
the reader may not know that there is a Praja Mandal in Jaipur
which has been working under Jamnalalji’s inspiration for the
past six years. Jamnalalji is its present President. The Mandal
is a strong organization containing responsible men as its mem-
bers and has a good record of constructive work to its credit.
The Mandal will have to do its duty if the ban is not removed.
For the ban is, it is said, a precursor of stopping even the con-
structive and constitutional activities of the Mandal. The autho-
rities cannot brook the growing influence of a body which aims
at responsible government in Jaipur under the aegis of the Maharaja,
no matter by means howsoever honourable. It seems to be the pre-
cursor also of a ruthless policy of stopping all activities of bodies
having political ambition in any shape or form. And rumour
has it that it is a concerted policy on the part of the Rajputana
States. Whether it is true only of Jaipur or all the other States,
it is sufficiently ominous, and Jamnalalji and the people of Jaipur
are in honour bound to resist it with all the strength at their
command, no doubt consistently with the Congress creed of non-
violence and truth.
Bardoli, January 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-1-1939
330. TELEGRAM TO AKBAR HTDARP
Bardoli,
January 9, 1939
Sir Akbar Hydari
Hyderabad Dn
THANKS WIRE ADVISING CERTAIN RELEASES. LETTER NOT
RECEIVED.
Gandhi
From a photostat: C.W. 10094. Courtesy: Government of Andhra Pradesh
^ A photostat of the telegram was displayed at the Gandhi Darshan
Exhibition held in New Delhi in 1969-70.
331. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
\Janmry 9, 1939y
CHI. JAMNALAL,
G.’s telegram has been received.^ He has consented. The
letter has been sent by registered mail.^
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2999
332. AUNDH CONSTITUTION^
There are several startling things in the Aundh constitution.
For the moment I am concerned with only two things — the qua-
lifications for the vote and the courts of justice.
I have myself hitherto sworn by simple adult franchise as
well for the illiterate as the literate. My observation of the wor-
king of the Congress constitution has altered my opinion. I have
come round to the view that a literacy test is necessary for two
reasons. The vote should be regarded as a privilege and there-
fore carry some qualification. The simplest qualification is a lite-
racy test. And if the ministry appointed under the literacy fran-
chise is sincere and solicitous about the disqualified illiterates,
the much desired literacy would come in no time. The Aundh
constitution has made primary education free and compulsory. I
have been assured by Appasaheb that he will see that illiteracy
is driven out from Aundh State inside of six months. I hope,
therefore, that there will be no opposition in Aundh to the lite-
racy test.
The second important departure from the ordinary practice
is the making of justice in the lower court free and incredibly
simple. What would, however, displease critics is not the freeness
or the simplicity as such but the abolition of intermediate courts
* The date is in a hand other than Gandhiji’s.
^ Firfe “Telegram to G. D. Birla”, p. 281.
^ The reference presumably is to the letter to President, Gouncil of State,
Jaipur; vide “Draft of Letter for Jamnalal Bajaj”, pp. 282-4.
This appeared under “Notes”.
292
NOTE TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
293
and the fate of litigants and persons charged with offences being
made to depend on a High Court presided over by one person.
In a population of 75,000 a multiplicity of judges would be both
unnecessary and impossible. And if the right type of person is
chosen as the Chief Judge, he is as likely to deal out unadulte-
rated justice as a bench of highly paid judges. This simplification
contemplates abolition of the cumbrous procedure and the use of
tomes of law books including hundreds of law reports used in
British law-courts.
Bardoli, January 10, 1939
Harijan, 14-1-1939
333. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
Bardoli,
\_January 11, 1939Y
CHI. KARA,
I have been observing silence for the last three days and
hence I can do justice to correspondence.
The enclosed is about Sanjiva Kamat.
Shanker’s letter is enclosed for your information. Write to
him again. I have already written to Nanavati. After careful
thinking, I have instructed him to pass the night in Segaon and
the day with you. But if you need him in the tour, he may
remain with you all the time. I consider your need more im-
portant.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
My coming there will be delayed.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10917
334. NOTE TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Bardoli,
January 11, 1939
It has always been my firm view (and it still holds complete
sway over me) that in every province, except for one or two select-
ed leaders, all the others should observe silence. When this is
* The date is in a hand other than Gandhiji’s.
294 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
not possible, they should read out at meetings carefully consi-
dered, short, simple written speeches. Everybody should remember
that the people are getting increasing power in their hands now.
In such circumstances no thoughtless word should escape the lips
of the people’s leaders.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro~2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 232
335. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
Bardoli,
January 12, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
I saw your letter to Mahadev. Have I changed my policy?
In Calcutta what has happened has happened. We should take
our hands off that class. He will be paying Vamanchand’s
wages today, won’t he? Not to start a separate class at present
will perhaps be better. We shall discuss this matter when I
come. I am afraid of internal disputes.
You must have received my letter* of yesterday.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
The enclosed is for Shriman.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10918
336. LETTER TO KRISHNACHAMDRA
Bardoli,
January 12, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I do not have a minute to spare. Even this I am writing
with difficulty.
The most powerful aid to brahmacharya is purification of the
heart. In this external measures are to a certain extent helpful.
Prayer can go on even unconsciously, which means that when
a person is engrossed in prayer he is not conscious of praying.
It is like a man in deep slumber not being aware that he is
asleep. Ramanama in its scope includes Krishnanama also. Even
Vide p. 293.
DISCUSSION WITH TOYOHIKO KAGAWA 295
the plying of charkha can be regarded as Ramanama. Only
so much for today.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4309. Also S.G. 72
337. DISCUSSION WITH TOTOHIKO KAGAWA^
YJanuary 14, 1939^
Now for his talk with Gandhiji.
Your reputation has preceded you, Dr. Kagawa.
With these words Gandhiji stood up to greet Dr. Kagawa. . . . The
preliminary questions were about the drought in South India and famines
and the co-operative movement. Was the movement flourishing in India ?
gandhiji; I can’t say that it is flourishing. It is going on
somehow. It was initiated by the British Government. It did
not come from within, but was superimposed upon the people.
It is managed after a certain stereotyped pattern and has there-
fore no room for growth according to the exigencies of time.
Whereas I know you have a big co-operative movement.
kagawa: Yes, it is growing every day. There are 3,50,000 producers’
co-operatives organized by themselves. There are national health insurance
co-operatives, harvest insurance co-operatives and storage co-operatives.
G. What is the feeling of people in Japan about the war?
K. I am rather a heretic in Japan. Rather than I express my views, I
would like to learn from you what you would do if you were in my position.
G. It would be presumptuous for me to express my views.
K. No, I would like very much to know what you would do.
G. I would declare my heresies and be shot. I would put
the co-operatives and all your work in one scale, and put the
honour of your nation in the other, and if you found that the
honour was being sold, I should ask you to declare your views
against Japan and in so doing make Japan live through your
death. But, for this, inner conviction is necessary. I do not
’ Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s “Dr. Kagawa’s Visit”. Kagawa, a
Japanese social reformer, evangelist and author, had come to India to attend
the Tambaram Conference.
^ From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary
296
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
know that I should be able to do all that I have said if I were
in your position, but I must give you my opinion since you have
asked for it.
K. The conviction is there. But friends have been asking me to desist.
G. Well, don’t listen to friends when the Friend inside
you says, ‘Do this.’ And friends, however good, can sometimes
well deceive us. They cannot argue otherwise. They would ask
you to live and do your work. The same appeal was made to
me when I took the decision to go to jail. But I did not listen
to friends with the result that I found the glow of freedom when
I was confined within the four solid walls of prison. I was inside
a dark cell, but I felt that I could see everything from within
those walls, and nothing from outside.
K. Have you some irrigation co-operatives in India ?
G. I do not think so. Of course you have all these things.
You have done marvellous things, and we have many things to
learn from you. But how can we understand this swallowing
alive of China, drugging her with poison and so many other
horrid things that I read about in a book called What War Means
which Pandit Jawaharlal has given me. How could you have
committed all these atrocities ? And then your great poet calls it
a war of humanity and a blessing to China !
Dr. Kagawa is a student of religions. He wanted to know how Gandhiji’s
ahimsa teaching could be reconciled with the Bhagavad Gita. Gandhiji said
it could not be discussed in a brief interview, but he would ask him to read
his introduction to the Gita where he had answered the question. The
answer had just come to him as part of his experience, and the interpretation
was, as he thought, not laboured in any way.
K. I am told you recite the Bhagavad Gita daily ?
G. Yes, we finish the entire Gita reading once every week.
K. But at the end of the Gita Krishna recommends violence.
G. I do not think so. I am also fighting. I should not be
fighting effectively if I were fighting violently. The message of
the Gita is to be found in the second chapter of the Gita where
Krishna speaks of the balanced state of mind, of mental equi-
poise. In 19 verses at the close of the 2nd chapter of the Gita
Krishna explains how this state can be achieved. It can be
achieved, he tells us, after killing all your passions. It is not
possible to kill your brother after having killed all your passions.
I should like to see that man dealing death — who has no passions.
DISCUSSION WITH TOYOHIKO KAGAWA
297
who is indifferent to pleasure and pain, who is undisturbed by
the storms that trouble mortal man. The whole thing is descri-
bed in language of beauty that is unsurpassed. These verses
show that the fight Krishna speaks of is a spiritual fight.
K. But there was actual fighting then, and your interpretation is your
own peculiar interpretation.
G. It may be mine, but as mine it has no value.
K. To the common mind it sounds as though it was actual fighting.
G. You must read the whole thing dispassionately in its
true context. After the first mention of fighting, there is no men-
tion of fighting at all. The rest is a spiritual discourse.
K. Has anybody interpreted it like you ?
G. Yes. The fight is there, but the fight as it is going on
within. The Pandavas and Kauravas are the forces of good and
evil within. The war is the war between Jekyll and Hyde, God
and Satan, going on in the human breast. The internal evidence
in support of this interpretation is there in the work itself and
in the Makabharata of which the Gita is a minute part. It is not
a history of war between two families, but the history of man —
the history of the spiritual struggle of man. I have sound rea-
sons for my interpretation.
K. That is why I say it is your interpretation.
G. But that is nothing. The question is whether it is a
reasonable interpretation, whether it carries conviction. If it
does, it does not matter whether it is mine or XYZ’s. If it does
not, it has no value even if it is mine.
K. To my mind Arjuna’s ideas are wonderful. Krishna has found
some excuse for him, and it was natural and necessary before Christianity.
G. This interpretation is even historically wrong. For Bud-
dha existed long before the Christian era, and he preached the
doctrine of non-violence.
K. But Arjuna’s views seem to me to be superior to Krishna’s.
G. Then according to you the disciple was greater than the
master !
K. But I agree with what you say, with your teaching of non-violence.
I shall read the Gita again, bearing your interpretation in mind. . . .
Dr. Kagawa again turned to his great theme — agriculture and co-
operation which he has studied carefully. “You get famine once in every ten
years,” he said.
298 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
G. We get it every year, famine is our constant friend.
K. Then you should have more tree culture, more trees for fuel and for
cattle fodder. Rice and barley are not enough, you need more protein trees. . . .
G. No. We need a change in the method of government!
It was a great pity that Dr. Kagawa had to go away to Bombay the
same evening. . . . Even for a detailed discussion of his co-operative programme
he might have stayed longer with the leading men in India. But Gandhiji
appealed to him on a different ground.
How can you leave India without seeing Santiniketan?
K. But I have read the Poet’s poems, and I love them.
G. But you have to love the Poet.
K. If I can repeat the Giianjali every day, I can see the Poet every day
and do I not love him? Maybe he is greater than his poems.
G. Sometimes the reverse is the truth, but in the case of
the Poet he is infinitely greater than his great poems. Now,
another question. Have you included Pondicherry in your pro-
gramme ? If you want to study modern India, you must see both
Santiniketan and Aurobindo Ghose’s Ashram. I wonder who
your tour advisers are. I wish you had appointed me your advi-
ser in this matter!
K. No. You are a good guide for life.
Dr. Kagawa asked what other books Gandhiji read every day. Gandhiji
mentioned the Ramayana in which he said there was supposed to be enough
blood and thunder, “but not for me”. Dr. Kagawa said he too loved it for the
story of Sita — the ideal of chastity.
G. But there are other fine things also in that unique poem.
I have not read the original which is great. But the Hindi ren-
dering done by a great devotee is the scripture for the masses of
India. In the North India Tulsi Ramayana has been the inspi-
ration of many a home for four centuries.
Dr. Kagawa discussed Shankaracharya and Ramanuja, and Gandhiji
expressed his predilection for the former, and for his direct and marvellously
logical way. But Gandhiji reverted again to his itinerary and expressed his
great regret that Rev. Hodge who had been in charge of it had, out of his
partiality for him (Gandhiji), included Bardoli, but not Santiniketan! [He said:]
You are going to Calcutta and not Santiniketan! It is a
great pity. You say you are going to Gosaba. Well Gosaba is
Gosaba, but Santiniketan is India.
Harijan, 21-1-1939
338. JAIPUR
Jaipur authorities will not be happy until they have brought
the Jaipur patriots to their senses. For they have now banned
the Jaipur Rajya Praja Mandal of which Jamnalalji is the
President. Jamnalalji has released for publication his letter'
to the President of the Jaipur Council of State. The readers
will find it elsewhere in these columns. That letter should
induce withdrawal of the order. But evidently the Jaipur Coun-
cil, which I erroneously described as entirely composed of out-
siders in my last week’s article^, but which I understand does con-
tain four members from the State, is intent upon wiping out of
existence every activity whether social, humanitarian or other
with which Jamnalalji or his co-workers are connected.
This is the newest method of dealing with people whom the
authorities do not like. I can only hope against hope that the
Jaipur authorities will shrink from precipitating an all-India cri-
sis. For there are three reasons which might well give the Jaipur
question that character. Jamnalalji is himself an institution. He
is, moreover, a member of the Working Committee of the Cong-
ress and its Treasurer. The method being adopted in Jaipur is
too drastic to be suffered without a desperate struggle. If it goes
unchallenged, it may mean a death-blow to every activity in
the States when it is even remotely connected with the legitimate
political aspirations of their people.
The curious thing about Jaipur is that the real ruler is a
high-placed Englishman^ and not the Maharaja. Can it be that
he represents the wishes of the central authority? If he does,
what becomes of the recent declarations ? If he does not, may an
English Dewan initiate policies that may in the end spell disaster
to the State itself ? I understand that the Jaipur treasure-
chest is over-full. If the worst happened, it could stand a pro-
longed boycott by the people, that is, assuming that the modern
weapons of destruction do not tame the people into submission.
It is time for the Princes and the Central Government to evolve
a common policy of action. Or is the Jaipur method the common
' Vide “Draft of Letter for Jamnalal Bajaj”, pp. 282-4.
^ Vide “The Ban on Jamnalalji”, pp. 289-91.
^ Sir W. Beauchamp St. John, Prime Minister of Jaipur
299
300
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
policy of action, as some tell me it is? I can only hope that it
is not.
Bardoli, January 16, 1939
Harijan, 21-1-1939
339. DRINKING METHYLATED SPIRITS^
A correspondent writes:^
The correspondent’s letter deserves the attention of those who
are engaged in prohibition work.
Bardoli, January 16, 1939
Harijan, 21-1-1939
340. VIOLENCE v. NON-VIOLENCE
Everywhere in India there is a duel going on between the
method of non-violence and that of violence. Violence like water,
when it has an outlet, rushes forward furiously with an over-
whelming force. Non-violence cannot act madly. It is the es-
sence of discipline. But when it is set going, no amount of violence
can crush it. For full play, it requires unsullied purity and an
unquenchable faith among the leaders. Therefore, if non-violence
seems to fail in the duel, it will do so because the leaders lack
the purity or the faith or both. There seems, however, to be
reason to believe that non-violence will triumph over violence.
Things seem to be shaping so that the workers will see for them-
selves the futility of violence.
But a well-known public worker writes:^
“The States’ method of dealing with satyagraha seems to be diff-
erent from the British method. The methods adopted in some States are
too inhuman and brutal. Will non-violence succeed against such brutal
methods ?. . .
I have carefully read and re-read your views'* on the murder of
the Political Agent of Orissa States. I was rather pained to find that
* This appeared under “Notes”.
^ The letter is not reproduced here. It stated that with the intro-
duction of prohibition drink addicts had started drinking diluted methylated
spirit and suggested that its sale should be controlled.
^ Only extracts are reproduced here.
'* Vide “Statement to the Press”, p. 285.
VIOLENCE V. NON-VIOLENCE
301
you made no reference to the terrible atrocities committed on the poor
State subjects of Orissa. ... If the mob was wrong in using violence
against the Political Agent, was the latter justified in firing on the mob
and thus provoking them to violence?. . .
... I fail to understand why you as the greatest apostle of truth
and non-violence should not have also conveyed a warning to the Poli-
tical Department of the Government of India, and especially the Eas-
tern States Agency, that they should not adopt brutal methods in deal-
ing with the States subjects’ fights? I feel that the Eastern States
Agency has been most brutal in dealing with the States subjects’ fights, and
murder of the Political Agent is the climEix of the brutal repression carried
on by the Eastern States Agency. . . . And if we are to show sym-
pathy for the loss of life of the Political Agent, what about the two per-
sons who died on the spot as a result, possibly of the police violence?. ..
Of course the right of self-defence is there and so is the right
of armed rebellion. But after deep deliberation the Congress has
abjured both and that for valid reasons. Non-violence is not
worth much if it is worsted in the face of the greatest provoca-
tion. Its true test consists in its capacity for standing any amount
of provocation. If there were eye-witnesses of the rapes and
if the witnesses were non-violent, why are they alive? If the rapes
became known after the event, of what use is violence ? The non-
violent method is still open. The men may be tried or they
may be brought up before the bar of public opinion, if there
was any. To expose the criminals to mob fury would be
barbarity.
The argument about the murder of the late Political Agent
of the Orissa States is irrelevant to the issue. I was not called
upon to adjudge the merits of the action of the ruler and the
Political Agent on the one hand and the people’s action on the
other. It was enough for me at the time to condemn in unquali-
fied terms the murder of the Political Agent not merely as a
mark of sympathy, though that was deserved, but as an act of
gross indiscipline and breach of the fundamental Congress policy.
The misdeeds of the rulers have been exposed often enough in
these columns. But they have not been mentioned for the pur-
pose of drawing the wrath of the people upon the doers, but for
the sole purpose of showing the people the way of dealing with
them non-violently. Things were shaping themselves well in Oris-
sa. I can quote chapter and verse in support of this assertion.
This murder has disturbed the even course of the movement.
Ranpur is a howling wilderness. The people, both innocent and
guilty, are in hiding. They have deserted their homes in order
302
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
to escape repression. For it will not be merely the actually guilty
persons who will suffer. The technique of frightfulness in some
shape or other is no doubt being applied and the whole of
India has to be helpless witness of it. The authorities know no
other way of dealing with murders of their officials, especially
when they are Europeans. The non-violent method has been slow-
ly educating them to know the new way. But I need not pro-
long the argument. The proof of the pudding is in the eating.
Both methods are being tried out in India. The workers have
to make their choice. I know that India’s freedom is possible
only through non-violence. Those workers in the Congress who
think or act otherwise are wronging themselves and the Congress.
Bardoli, January 16, 1939
Harijan, 21-1-1939
341. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Bardoli,
January 16, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
I have been unable to write a single letter during these exact-
ing days. Today I worked at Harijan till after 5 p. m. Now I
have a minute or two before going to the evening prayer.
Of course you will pay Jurab as you suggest. He will be
worth all that and more, if he gives you full satisfaction.
I am glad your recent letters have been hopeful. Had they
been otherwise, I would have made time to send you, if it was
only a line.
Sushila has been writing to you daily. So you know all
about my health. So far as the feel goes, it is excellent.
Events are fast shaping themselves. You will see the coming
Harijan to show you what is happening.
I hope you are now having the food you need.
Devdas and Laxmi are here just now. Ramdas came in
yesterday. He leaves tomorrow for Poona. Kallenbach lands
on Saturday.
There are numberless visitors here. There is no such thing
as the quiet of Segaon. But Sardar protects me against intru-
ders.
Ramdas is looking none too well. Premabehn came in today.
Mridula has been here for the past four days.
LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN
303
There is nothing to report about Agakhan’s visit. He wants
the Congress to settle with Jinnah if it is at all possible.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6424. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10010
342. NOTE TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR
Bardoli,
January 16, 1939
This should be credited to the Harijan fund and a receipt
sent to me.
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1181
343. LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN
Bardoli,
January 18, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
My first thought was to publish the accompanying letter pur-
porting to describe your attitude with regard to the ban on Seth
Jamnalalji’s entry into Jaipur State. But on second thoughts I
felt that my purpose would be better served by sending you a
copy of Shri Chudgar’s' letter and inviting your opinion on it.
My purpose is to promote harmony between the Princes and
the people who are obliged in one way or the other to come
in contact with them to secure justice wherever possible by friend-
ly negotiation. And now that I have felt the necessity of wri-
ting to you, whatever may be your opinion on Shri Chudgar’s
letter, I would like to suggest to you that the bans upon Seth
Jamnalalji and his organization might be removed without endan-
gering the peace of Jaipur State. Indeed, I feel that peace is
certainly endangered by the bans.^
Tours sincerely.
Sir W. Beauchamp St. John
Dewan, Jaipur State Jaipur
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, pp. 397-8. Also C.W. 7809. Courtesy:
G. D. Birla
* Barrister and legal adviser of Rao Rama of Sikar; vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
2 For Sir Beauchamp’s reply, vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
344. LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
Bardoli,
January 18, 1939
CHI. CHANDAN,
I have your letter. I am forwarding the letter which you
have written to H. Nanabhai has also met me. He has left
Dakshinamurti because of my letter. Thus H. has agreed to the
first alternative. He is, however, firm about his innocence.
But since he has left Dakshinamurti and withdrawn himself from
women’s education, nothing more remains to be done.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 946. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar
345. LETTER TO RAVINDRA R. PATEL
Bardoli,
January 18, 1939
CHI. RAVINDRA,
I have your letter. If you have had enough of that place
and are giving up all thought of making money you can em-
brace poverty and serve the country. I shall consider it a success.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7455
304
346. LETTER TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR
Bardoli,
January 18, 1939
BAPA,
A cheque for Rs. 5,000 was sent to you from the Frontier
Province. Shri Jasaram writes that it was meant for khadi work.
The amount may therefore be remitted to Dr. Gopichand. I
hope to raise money from the same person for Harijan work
when I go again to the Frontier Province.
Bapu
[PS.]
I received just now your letter about Orissa. It is very
difficult for Sardar to go there. Rajendra Babu will certainly go.
He is doing that work from here also. Will you be able to spare
15 days for prohibition in Khandesh ? Dr. Gilder has promised
to get 12 shops closed provided you come. If you can, come
immediately. Send a telegram.
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 1182
347. LETTER TO BALWANTSINHA
Bardoli,
January 18, 1939
CHI. BALWANTSINHA,
I return your old letter. Your handwriting is better than it
was but there is still much scope for improvement. Do not cram
the sheet too full. There should always be a margin on the left
side and the words should be spaced well. The pen should be
finely pointed. You must take a vow that you will effect these
improvements for the sake of mother cow. You know the import-
ance of vows, don’t you?
The account you have sent could not but be good. There
was never any doubt about your sincerity and your unselfishness.
305
68-20
306
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
It is good that you are at peace,
improve your knowledge of Hindi.
Make yourself strong and
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1917
348. LOVE A UNIVERSAL VIRTUE
An Indian Christian writes:'
Your article “The Jews”^ has evoked considerable comment of
varying nature. I propose to confine myself to the criticism that the
love that Jesus taught was a personal, not a social or collective, virtue.
To deny that Jesus’ way of life was meant for all — collectively
no less than individually — is surely to deny the basic truth of the reli-
gion of Christ. He was utterly dissatisfied with the existing order; the
hypocrisy and pride of the Scribes and Pharisees riled him sufficiently
for him to call them a ‘generation of vipers’ and ‘whited sepulchres’; he
openly protested against bribery and corruption when he ‘upset the tab-
les of the money-changers’ and accused them of having made his house
‘a den of thieves’; he denounced the sin of untouchability by dining with
outcastes and speaking words of comfort to prostitutes.
His preaching roused the anger of the people because it was
revolutionary and universal; otherwise why should those in authority
have cared to arrest and condemn to the extreme penalty of the law
a man in whom even the judge who tried him could find no ‘sin’ ?
They sensed in his teachings a power which, if exercised by those
who believed in them, would surely cause to fall the whole framework of
their society. To ‘turn the other cheek’ to him who smites you on one, to
love the enemy, to rejoice in suffering, to love your neighbour as your-
self, to remove the beam from your own eye before pointing to the mote
in another’s, to pray for those who persecute you, to forgive the offender
until seventy times seven, to serve the poor, to leave all and follow
Jesus, are of the essence of a universal gospel for which he lived and
died. That he asked his disciples to let the world see this message by
virtue of their own example, that the disciples themselves felt the
call to recreate a new order, bears ample evidence in the very forma-
tion, through their martyrdom, of the early Church which is termed to
be the body of Christ. One of the most beautiful passages in the New
Testament, the 13th Chapter of I Corinthians, was written by St. Paul
' Only extracts from the letter are reproduced here.
2 FzWepp. 137-41.
LOVE A UNIVERSAL VIRTUE
307
at a time when the Church of Corinth was torn by internal dissensions.
The message of love therein was the message for collective action. The
‘Church Militant’, as it is called, is surely the emblem of Christian
society trying to war against the powers of evil by means of love which
‘conquers all things’.
But while it may be convenient, because of the lack of courage
and faith within us, to set aside the central teaching of the religion of
Christ as a mere rule for personal conduct, it is a dangerous doctrine
which has brought the so-called Christian nations to a sorry pass today.
No doubt the result of non-violence is not always visible to the
naked eye. That the way of love — for what is non-violence except bound-
less love — is not easy to pursue is only too true. But to rule love out
as a social virtue is to deny the existence of not only the religion of
Jesus but of all the great religions of the world and to give way to fear
which is the ruling passion in the world today.
Non-violence on a national or international scale has not yet
been sufficiently tried; where it has been tried by Gandhiji it has met
with success. Is not Europe, by subordinating her mind to the doctrine
that ‘Might is Right’, giving a direct lie to the teaching of Jesus ? This is
the question before Christendom today. Does the greatest measure of
freedom consist in being able to resist force with the weapons of force,
or may it not be that its highest and eternal form will be born out of
the blood willingly shed by one nation or many nations?
Oh cross that liftest up my head,
I may not ask to flee from thee,
I lay in dust, life’s glory dead.
And from the ground there blossoms red
Life that shall endless be.
This letter should convince honest doubters that the love
that Jesus taught and practised was not a mere personal virtue,
but that it was essentially a social and collective virtue. Buddha
taught and practised the same thing six hundred years before
Jesus.
Bardoli, January 20, 1939
Harijan, 4-3-1939
349. LETTER TO AKBAR HTDARI
Bardoli,
January 20, 1939
DEAR SIR AKBAR,
I have your wires and your letter of the 5th instant, with
enclosure which came later. The two documents were re-
directed from Wardha and then I had to see the State Congress
friends before I could reply. Hence the delay which please forgive.
At the outset I must thank you for the friendly tone of your
letter. Nothing else and nothing less was expected of you.
Nevertheless the letter has not given me satisfaction. The
only thing relevant to my request was the statement issued by
the State Congress manifesto' calling off civil disobedience and
its language. If it left nothing more to be desired, the immed-
iate result should have been the discharge of the prisoners who
had offered civil disobedience from within and as members of
the State Congress.
Even Shri Kashinathrao Vaidya’s statement was irrelevant.
The State Congress manifesto was not before him. Had he
known the implications of the manifesto, he should not have court-
ed imprisonment at all. But his case needs to be condoned by
the State Congress manifesto. Perusal of Shri Kashinathrao
Vaidya’s statement did not confirm the impression created by
your letter. His statement I regard as mild and subdued.
There is no threat in it. He has endeavoured calmly to argue
the position of the State Congress and brought out the facts to
the date of his conviction. It is noteworthy that he has accepted
the fact of suspension and exhorted the State Congress members
to desist from civil disobedience.
The Aryan League and the Hindu Mahasabha activities
should not be confused with that of the State Congress. There
never was any intention of amalgamation on the part of the State
Congress.
Do you want me to find out what Sardar Patel, Shri Deo or
Shri Bhulabhai said or did? As a matter of fact I have not
even showed your letter to the Sardar though I am living with
Vide “Draft of Statement for Hyderabad State Congress”, pp. 242-4.
308
LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI
309
him at present. Not that I would not share your letter with
him, only he has his work cut out for him as I have mine. But
I could find out what they said if their opinion was relevant to
my purpose or to the argument. If, however, you want me to,
I shall gladly do so.
You were quite right in dismissing from your mind the sugges-
tion that I had secretly advised anyone against the attempt to reach
a settlement between Hindus and Muslims. Baba it was who
brought Shri Narasingh Rao with him. Maulvi Bahadur Yar Jung
was also to be of the party. But he could not come. They had
come to a standstill. I, therefore, advised them to proceed no
further but await Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s advice and be
guided by him. Maulana Saheb is now in correspondence with you.
Now about “Bande Mataram”. Some students did come
to me. I told them that “Bande Mataram” was no religious
prayer but that they had a perfect right to say it in their rooms
or their prayer room. I told them too that by proper representa-
tion they would get redress and that till they had the redress
they should remain without their studies unless they could go
elsewhere. I have seen the explanation issued by the Osmania
University authorities. It has not given me satisfaction. I do
think that this is a matter you should set right without delay. If
I have erred, not having all the facts before me, you will please
correct me. But, of course, this question stands on its own footing.
I have not interested myself in it. The students are not
under my guidance. And I told those who came to me that I had
no time to study their question, important though I admitted
it to be.
You say that drunkards and the like have sought imprison-
ment. My informants say that if such people have courted
imprisonment they were unauthorized and had nothing to do with
the State Congress.
I believe I have now covered all the points in your letter.
If my argument has any substance in it, I repeat the re-
quest for the discharge of all the State Congress prisoners and for
permission for the State Congress to pursue such activities, politi-
cal or otherwise, that are constitutional.
I hope this finds you in the possession of the best of health.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 6846
350. LETTER TO jV. R. MALKANI
Bardoli,
January 20, 1939
MY DEAR MALKANI,
I was ashamed of your letter to Banker*. I enclose a copy
received by me. Is your notion of agency so low and the worth
of khadi so poor as to make you write what you have done? I
would far rather let khadi die in Sind than be treated with such
contempt as you have been betrayed into showing. Surely your
other work should be subordinate to khadi. I do not want you
to retort that Choithram and even Jairamdas did worse than
you had contemplated. Then it was an evil of necessity.
I am deeply hurt.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 930
351. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Bardoli,
January 20, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
Your letters are all works of art whether brief or long. I
am glad you are getting on so well with John. If you will be
patient, you will find that the Pathan grows on you. He is an
admirable fellow — open if he once trusts you.
You need not worry about my health. I am taking all the
care I can. I am taking the rest that is possible. B. P. is under
control. Jumpy, I fear, it will remain unless I lead the forest
life and cease all outward activity. But that would be wrong. I
must discover the art of living long though full of activity to
the end. I shall never completely master it, having dissipated
* Shankerlal Banker, Secretary, All-India Spinners’ Association
310
LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI 311
SO much of my life in youth. We have to be thankful for what
God vouchsafes of the rest of my life.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6425. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10020
352. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
Bardoli,
January 20, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
Kakasaheb’s letter was sent to you yesterday. Everyone here
has been distressed to hear that you will have to go. Music that
was considered a permanent feature will now be discontinued.
No one likes this idea. It also makes me unhappy. If your
health permits, this is my suggestion. You should walk down at 6
in the morning every day after partaking of milk and fruit. You
can easily be with Kakasaheb at 7.15. You can start work at
7.30 and go on till 5 or 4.30 and reach Segaon at 6 or 6.30
every evening. If you can do this, both the purposes will be
served. The exertion is not too much for a healthy man. In South
Africa I lived at a distance of 7 miles from my office and used
to go there and come back either on foot or on bicycle. But I
do not wish to overburden you. Think it over. Show this letter
to Kakasaheb and do what is right. Think about other things
having in mind that your decision to go to Kakasaheb is a firm
one. I do not think that Kakasaheb wants you with him all
the 24 hours. But if it is so, the question does not arise. Or
even if he desires you to tour with him, then also there is no
question of doing any work in Segaon. I have written in the
dim light.
Everything else must be going well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10783
353. TELEGRAM TO BALKRISHNA
Bardoli,
January 21, 1939
Balkrishna
“Pratap” Office
Cawnpore
AM GIVING ALL ATTENTION’ GUIDED BY MEHTAB^.
Gandhi
From a copy; Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
354. LETTER TO JAIRAMDAS DOULATRAM
Bardoli,
January 21, 1939
MY DEAR JAIRAMDAS,
You should not write but ask someone else to write. Some-
how I feel it is wrong to go to Hyderabad. Mothers are often
more affectionate than wise. But if not to fulfil her wishes dis-
turbs you, I suppose you must go to Hyderabad. Is Indore
not possible? Why not Matheran? Nasik or Deolali are good.
So is Sinhagadh for that matter and you have Dinsha Mehta’s
help there. How I wish you could make up your mind soon.
Don’t write.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 9253. Courtesy: Jairamdas Doulatram
355. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 21, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
I have just now received your letter. Since I am continu-
ing my silence I can answer it. If the reason for stopping you is
’ The addressee, in his telegram, had described the sufferings of the
refugees in Dhenkanal satyagraha camp.
^ Harekrushna Mahtab
312
LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
313
merely sentimental, then it is certainly better for you to go to
South Africa. By your going there, Manilal will certainly be
helped. You are worried about Sita. I am not. She will cert-
ainly learn at least something there also. Hence my opinion is
this: if your services are not essential at Akola you may gladly
go to South Africa. It is your duty. Since you have stayed on,
write to Manilal and know his views. This is the right course.
Does Sita read the book she has received ?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4891
356. LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
Bardoli,
January 21, 1939
CHI. CHANDAN,
I have your letter. Did I send you the money or not?
Kanu is not here. I do recollect that I had already instructed
him.
I send herewith H.’s letters lying with me. You may pres-
erve them. Now we do not need to make them public. He left
both Dakshinamurti and women’s education. That was exactly
what we wanted him to do. Let me know what impression these
letters make on you. Now you need not write to H. However,
if you still feel like it, you may write and send the letter to
me. If I think it proper I shall forward it. Now the H. ep-
isode should not trouble you.
Absorb yourself in your study. Be careful about your
health. Take long walks. Do you get fruit? Abstain from spices
and oil.
Improve your handwriting. There is scope for improvement
even in the Gujarati. There certainly is in the English. Keep
writing to me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
The sweet letter from Shankar was in acknowledgment of
the receipt of the money.
From Gujarati: C.W. 947. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar
357. LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM K. JERAJAMI
Bardoli,
January 21, 1939
BHAI KAKUBHAI,
The reason you have given for selling to the Government
at a lower price is not a valid one. We can reduce the price
for everyone if we get a large order, as executing it will also cost
less. Since you have already written, it is all right. I have
made the suggestion for future guidance. Discuss with Shanker-
lal the merits and demerits of my suggestion. Ultimately in the
face of your experience, my own opinion will be of only
secondary importance to me.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 10840. Courtesy: Purushottam
K. Jerajani
358. LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
dear friend,
I thank you for your prompt reply to my letter of the 18th
instant.
I had expected your version of the interview, if you repu-
diated Shri Chudgar’s version. The matter is too important to
be dropped by me. I shall gladly publish your version to-
gether with Shri Chudgar’s if you so wish.*
Sir W. Beauchamp St. John
Dewan, Jaipur State, Jaipur
Tours sincerely,
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 399. Also C.W. 7809. Courtesy:
G. D. Birla
* For the addressee’s reply, vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
314
359. LETTER TO M. R. MALKANI
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
MY DEAR MALKANI,
Just now Mahadev is out of work. And the cashier Kanu*
is yet too boyish to shoulder the burden. He is a good boy but
mere goodness without attention to one’s duty is of no value. I
gave him Chandwani’s cheque to he sent to you as soon as it
came. He forgot to send it. Then went on leave. On asking
him today, he shamelessly said he forgot all about it. The fault
is mine, not his. I have trained him badly.
Please forgive. You will find the cheque herewith.
Return it, if you cannot give undivided attention to the vil-
lage construction work. I must be faithful to Chandwani. If you
cannot concentrate on this work do not look to me for the
monthly payment. Of course I shall send you money for three
months in any case.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 931
360. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
I could read Manila!’ s letter fully only yesterday. I am enclos-
ing it. It seems to have come direct. On reading that letter
I felt that you should leave by the first available steamer. I
cancel what I wrote yesterday. This is the first letter from Mani-
lal which satisfied me. Ordinary letters from you both are drab
and empty. Letters should reflect the life of the writer. I like
this letter so much that I want it back. Ba is of the opinion
* Kanu Gandhi
315
316
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
that you should immediately go to Manilal. I do think about
the needs of Akola.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4892
361. LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
CHI. MANUDI,
Will it be all right if I do not write but dictate a letter to
you? I dictated one to Sharda yesterday. Grandmother was
angry and said, “Manu pines for a letter from you and you
have no time to write to her.” You know better whether you
pine or not, but you can have this letter. You never write about
yourself nor about Surendra.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 1574. Courtesy: Manubehn
S. Mashruwala
362. LETTER TO RAMIBEHN K. PAREKH
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
CHI. RAMI,
I saw your handwriting after many months — or is it years?
I should be happy if you kept on writing. Even if I do not
write, being too busy, you must. Hope you and the children
are well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9727
363. LETTER TO DAHTABHAI M. PATEL
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
BHAI DAHYABHAI,
I had received your letter. Your action cannot be defended
morally. You cannot be considered a cultivator. It can be said
that you conspired to be listed as a cultivator. But you did not
find any immorality in your action and so nothing remains to be
done for the present. It would perhaps be proper if you with-
drew from the Board at the earliest. You may seek some law-
yer who can legally interpret such matters and act according to
his advice. That seems the best way.
I do not intend to reply to the complainant. He will not
understand such intricacies.
Understand about Ramjibhai.
I do not remember about leather and dead animals. Write
again if the matter is important.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 2710. Courtesy: Dahyabhai M. Patel
364. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
DEAR daughter,
I have your letter. What can I say? Ba is of course unhappy.
She wants you to come soon. I do not want that. I want
you to stay on if you have work there. You must visit your bro-
thers also. You are crazy not to be able to live away from me.
Anyway, do what you think best.
What can I say about my suspicion? I cannot free myself
of it. Time alone can do that. It came of itself and it will dis-
appear of itself if that is to be. If you can become stable and
discharge your duties the suspicion is bound to disappear. You
will continue to get an occasional letter.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 411
317
365. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
Bardoli,
January 22, 1939
CHI. BRAJKRISHNA,
I have your two letters.
I hope your brother is better. I understand about the . . .*
of Delhi.
If Dr. Gopichand wants to work in the neighbourhood of
Delhi, he may.
What is the harm in the Harijan Ashram contributing the
major portion towards the construction of the prayer hall? You
should be agreeable. It does not require any deliberation.
My health is good. Here I have more than enough work.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2476
366. THE STATES
The movement for liberty within the States is entering a new
stage. History is going to repeat itself. Talcher and Dhenkanal
have led the way in repression. It is no small matter that
26,000 out of 75,000 all told have migrated from Talcher to Bri-
tish Orissa. Prof. Ranga has published harrowing details of the
sufferings of these refugees. His narrative is supported by Thak-
kar Bapa, the great social reformer and philanthropist, who res-
ponds to the call of distress no matter from what quarter it
comes. They have been in exile for two months. I had hoped
that they would have returned to their homes. But there seems
to be no peace for these people as yet.
It is not possible for Orissa alone to tackle the relief work.
The Government of Orissa has not much money to spare. I
hope that the Marwadi Relief Society will take up the relief work
bearing in mind that labour should be found for the refugees.
^ Obscure in the source
318
THE STATES
319
Ranpur has murdered a political agentd And the police and
military are having a merry time at the expense of innocent men
and women. I hope the Government of Orissa will firmly han-
dle the situation and not let the Imperial Power deal with the
situation as it chooses. The Imperial Power loses its head
when it loses one of its own class in the circumstances attending
the unfortunate murder of Major Bazalgette. This murder should
show us that there is nothing to be gained by the people by such
acts.
Jaipur will not tolerate even the education of the Jaipurians
to ask and fit themselves for responsible government and would
presently bury alive one of its foremost sons.
The advisers of the Thakore Saheb of Rajkot think nothing
of making him eat his own words and commit a breach of his
promise solemnly made to his people. The Resident of the West-
ern States is party to this breach, if evidence in my possession is
to be relied upon. To him the Congress and Sardar are anath-
ema. Ground is being prepared in Rajkot for fomenting quar-
rels between Hindus and Muslims and the people in general and
the Bhayats. None of these have hitherto quarrelled. It is to
be hoped that the Muslims and the Bhayats will not prove ene-
mies of their own deliverance. The reformers’ course is clear.
They must avoid all clash. They must be prepared to die at
the hands of their own people if the occasion arose. They
have tried with marvellous success the weapon of non-violent
non-co-operation. They can enforce it fully and simply sit still.
The people are the paymasters, and the Prince and the officials
are their servants who have to do the will of their masters.
This is literally true of an awakened and enlightened people who
know the art of thinking and acting as of one mind.
I would urge the people in the other States to hasten slow-
ly. Liberty is theirs if they will have patience and self-restraint.
Let them everywhere knit themselves together and have a con-
sciousness of their strength. They should not have internal dissen-
sions. They must know how to combat the maxim of irres-
ponsibility — divide and rule. It is easy enough if the reformers
master the technique of non-violence.
Travancoreans had better be on their guard. I have suffi-
cient evidence in my possession to show that attempts are being
made to create divisions between Hindus and Christians and Ezha-
was. If they are to have responsible government, they must
* Vide “Statement to the Press”, p. 285.
320
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
forget that they are of these different communities. They must
learn that they are one and indivisible political unit, and they
must attain control over all forces of violence. They must take
full responsibility for peace throughout Travancore without the
aid of the police, if they are to win freedom through non-violent
means. Meetings and processions are necessary for propaganda
among ignorant masses. They are not necessary for a people
awakened to a sense of their duty as citizens. Swaraj is for the
awakened, not for the sleepy and the ignorant.
Bardoli, January 23, 1939
Harijan, 28-1-1939
367. INTERNAL DECAY
My time and that of co-workers is largely taken up in wad-
ing through complaints about corruption among Congressmen.
The latest typical letter received is from a Bombay Congressman:'
Tripuri Congress delegates’ elections took place last Sunday in
Bombay. The voting was to start at 8 a. m. in the morning. I reached
Congress House at nearly 8.45 a. m., but to my consternation I found
that I had already been impersonated in the short span of forty-five
minutes. Scores of others had the same experience. I tried to trace the
source, and though (as expected) I could not trace the miscreant I found
that this impersonation business was regularly organized and practised on
a mass scale as soon as the polling had started. Naturally those who
came even half an hour late were disappointed, they having been
impersonated meanwhile.
Many suggestions have been made to you to abate this nuisance,
but in my humble opinion unless we introduce the system of asking the
prospective voters to produce their membership cards to be duly stamped by
the issuing officers before slips are issued to them, nothing will do the
trick ....
The correspondent’s suggestion is quite sound. I should have
thought that every voter had to produce an identification card
before being allowed to register his vote.
My purpose, however, in reproducing the correspondent’s let-
ter is not merely to draw attention to the impersonation in Bom-
bay and the method of dealing with it. The letter is a pointer.
Besides impersonation there is the wholesale tampering with the
Congress registers which contain bogus names. These registers
have as much value as a box containing counterfeit coins though
* Only an extract from the letter is reproduced here.
INTERNAL DECAY
321
it is claimed to contain rupees. Strife at Congress elections is
becoming a common occurrence. The indiscipline of Congressmen
is on the increase everywhere. Many of them make irresponsible,
even violent, speeches. Many fail to carry out instructions.
Bihar is a notable example. Kisans of Bihar are supposed to be
Congressmen. Their leaders are Congressmen. Bihar Ministers
live in perpetual dread of kisan risings and kisan marches. Only
two days ago I had a wire from Khandesh of a contemplated
march to the Collector’s bungalow by kisans headed by a well-
known Congress worker. Such instances can be multiplied.
Rome’s decline began long before it fell. The Congress,
which has been nursed for over fifty years by the best brains of
the country, will not fall the moment it has begun to decay.
It need not fall at all, if the corruption is handled in time.
In my opinion the greatest work before the Congress will be
to deal with this fourfold process of decay. We are yet far from
our goal. We shall be no nearer it if we are not sure of our
means and their meaning and implications. When the real time
comes we shall be found wanting. If I was called upon to lead,
say, an army of civil resisters, I should be unable to shoulder the
burden. This is a big admission to make. But I should be guilty
of cowardice and worse if I did not make it. Though there is
non-violence enough among the masses, there is not enough among
those who have to organize the masses. Even as a banker cannot
run a bank if he has nothing in his chest, so can a general not
lead a battle if he has no soldiers on whom he can rely implicitly.
Let no Congressman blame me for thinking aloud. Though I
am not in the Congress, I have not ceased to be of it. Congress-
men still expect me to give the call when in my opinion the time
for action has come. What is more, if God so wills it, I feel I have
enough strength and energy in me to lead a battle much more
strenuous than any I have fought. But there are Saharas in the
way. I have mentioned one which Congressmen can see, touch and
handle. The Congress would not be harmed by my having lifted
the curtain and exposing our uglinesses to the public gaze. It
would be harmed if knowing the truth I hid it from the public.
Out of the present condition of the Congress I see nothing
but anarchy and red ruin in front of the country. Shall we face
the harsh truth at Tripuri?
Bardoli, January 23, 1939
Harijan, 28-1-1939
68-21
368. ‘WHAT A MAN OF GOD!’
The much-travelled Miss Muriel Lester, my East End host-
ess during the Round Table days, who is in the Frontier Pro-
vince at the time of writing this, having met Badshah Khan, thus
writes of him:
Now I have got to know Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, I feel there
is not likely to be another such honour in my life so far as meeting
wonderful people goes. He is an Old Testament prince with the New
Testament gentleness. What a man of God! Thank you for mak-
ing it possible for us to know him.
He is taking us tomorrow to Utmanzai. It will be a pleasure to
see Mira again.
I would not have published this private testimony if I had
thought it to be the exaggeration of an unbalanced mind. It is
true that Muriel Lester readily sees the bright side of those whom
she meets. It is not a fault but a virtue. There is no one
without faults, not even men of God. They are men of God
not because they are faultless but because they know their own
faults, they strive against them, they do not hide them and are
ever ready to correct themselves. Such is Khan Saheb who
prides himself in calling himself a servant of God. He is a de-
vout Muslim who never misses his prayers and fasts. His inter-
pretation of the Koran is the most liberal I have known. He had
to make a choice of one from among the workers whose services
I had offered him for introducing spinning, etc., among Khudai
Khidmatgars. He deliberately chose Mirabai, Madeleine Slade.
She was until recently living under the same roof as Khan Saheb
and is now living in rooms adjoining Khan Saheb’s residence
where she conducts her class. She writes to me almost daily. I
am glad to be able to say that her letters, though she does not
spare those whom she loves, bear out Muriel Lester’s first impres-
sion of this noble fakir. And yet the English officials have no
use for him. They fear him and distrust him. I would not
mind this distrust so much if it did not hamper progress, did not
harm India and England and therefore the world.
Bardoli, January 23, 1939
Harijan, 28-1-1939
322
369. ISLAMIC CULTURE
A great Muslim asked me what appeared to me strange
questions the other day. Strange, because I should have thought
that every Muslim who knows me, and this great Muslim knew
me, could answer them for me. Here is the dialogue:
q. Are you the same to Muslims now that you used to be in South
Africa — their friend, father and guide?
A. I never claimed the privilege of being father to them or
anyone in South Africa. But I certainly was their guide and
friend. (I may state in passing that I was addressed as Bhai —
brother — by them and others.) I am absolutely the same as I
was in South Africa, twenty-four years ago. I regard Muslims
like other Indians as blood brothers entitled to the same rights
and privileges as any other Indian.
{). Then do you cherish their culture as you would cherish your own
Hindu culture ?
A. Of course I do. I cannot do otherwise, as I believe
Islam and other great religions to be as true as my own. India
is the richer for the cultures that Islam and Christianity brought
with them. I regard the present antagonisms as a passing phase.
q. Let me be plain. I do not believe in Akbar’s dream. He aimed
at fusing all religions into one and producing a new faith. Do you have
some such aim?
A. I do not know what Akbar dreamt. I do not aim at
any fusion. Each religion has its own contribution to make to
human evolution. I regard the great faiths of the world as so
many branches of a tree, each distinct from the other though
having the same source.
q. I would like you to tell me what you mean by Hindustani. Do
you favour a common dictionary?
A. I have anticipated you. I understand that Maulvi
Abdul Haq Saheb has produced a dictionary which has taken all
the Urdu words that are to be found in the Benares Hindi Lexi-
con and Hindi words from the Osmania Lexicon. I have recom-
mended to the Congress the adoption of the Maulvi Saheb’ s
323
324 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
dictionary. And for new words have suggested a board composed
of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Rajendra Babu.
Cl. What about the Border Tribes? You know they are being crushed
under the British heel. Will you favour their relations with India being
regulated by the Frontier Province?
A. I would most decidedly. I have been moving in that
direction. I nave publicly stated more than once that India has
to trust and befriend them and not regard them as her natu-
ral enemies. I have been trying to go in their midst myself and
secure the same permission for Badshah Khan.
There were other questions also asked, but they are not of
such public interest as the ones I have dealt with. And they
are not matters of controversy so far as I know. I should like to
add here that I have not lost my faith in communal unity. My
life is still dedicated to it. Though a political pact has to come,
it will never satisfy me without a heart unity. And a heart unity
is inconceivable without non-violence as the basis of permanent
friendship or brotherhood.
Bardoli, January 23, 1939
Harijan, 28-1-1939
370. TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
Bardoli,
January 23, 1939
Jamnalal Bajaj
Care Kanoria
Calcutta
TIME RESERVED.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 210
371. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
Bardoli,
January 23, 1939
DEAR DAUGHTER,
I have your letter, but what a letter! You bite even from a
distance! Why should I worry about you? God takes care of
all. It is surprising that you could not meet Mridulabehn. I
am well. The reading was 160/94 at noon.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 412
372. LETTER TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU
Bardoli,
January 23, 1939
DEAR sister,
I have both your letters. The articles will be published in
Harijan.^ I had myself asked for them — hadn’t I? I was only
awaiting the second. I hope your daughter-in-law is well. Ba
is all right.
Blessings from
Bapu
Rameshwari Nehru
Pakpattam
Punjab
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 7987. Also G.W. 3083. Courtesy:
Rameshwari Nehru
’ They were published in Harijan, 18-3-1939, 1-4-1939, 15-4-1939,29-4-1939,
6-5-1939 and 20-5-1939.
325
373. INTERVIEW TO “THE TIMES OE INDIA’^
Bardoli,
January 24, 1939
In reply to the correspondent’s question as to what Gandhiji meant
by saying in the last week’s Harijan that an all-India crisis would occur if the
Jaipur authorities persisted in prohibiting the entry of Seth Jamnalal Bajaj
into the State,* Gandhiji replied:
Seth Jamnalal is an all-India man, though a subject of Jai-
pur. He is also a member of the Congress Working Committee,
and essentially and admittedly a man of peace. He is the
president of an organization which has been working and has been
allowed to work in Jaipur for some years. Its activities have
always been open. It contains well-known workers who are
sober by disposition and who have done much constructive work,
both among men and women. There is at the head of affairs in
Jaipur a distinguished politico-military officer. He is shaping
the policy of the State in connection with the ban pronounced
against Jamnalalji and his association, the Jaipur Rajya Praja
Mandal. I take it that Sir Beauchamp St. John, Prime Minister
of Jaipur, would not be acting without at least the tacit approv-
al of the Central authority, without whose consent he could not
become the Prime Minister of an important State like Jaipur.
If the action of the Jaipur authorities precipitates a first-
class crisis, it is impossible for the Indian National Congress,
and therefore all India, to stand by and look on with indiffer-
ence whilst Jamnalalji, for no offence whatsoever, is imprisoned
and members of the Praja Mandal are dealt with likewise. The
Congress will be neglecting its duty if, having power, it shrank
from using it and allowed the spirit of the people of Jaipur to
be crushed for want of support from the Congress. This is the
sense in which I have said that the example of Jaipur, or say
Rajkot, might easily lead to an all-India crisis.
The policy of non-intervention by the Congress was, in my
opinion, a perfect piece of statesmanship when the people of the
States were not awakened. That policy would be cowardice when
there is all-round awakening among the people of the States and
* Vide “Jaipur”, pp. 299-300.
326
327
INTERVIEW TO “tHE TIMES OF INDIA”
a determination to go through a long course of suffering for
the vindication of their just rights. If once this is recognized,
the struggle for liberty, wherever it takes place, is the struggle
for all India. Whenever the Congress thinks it can usefully in-
tervene, it must intervene.
In answer to a further question how the Congress as an institution and
the Congress Ministries in the various provinces were justified in precipitating
a crisis on an issue which exclusively concerned a State, Gandhiji said:
Supposing in a particular district in British India the Collec-
tor butchered the people of that district, is or is not the Congress
justified in intervening and precipitating an all-India crisis? If
the answer is ‘y^®’, then it applies to Jaipur also for examining
the conduct of the Congress in terms of intervention. If there
had been no non-intervention resolution by the Congress, this
question really would not have arisen. Therefore, unthinking
people very often blame me for having said that constitutionally
Indian States were foreign States. I do not accept that blame at
all. I was wandering about in the States and I knew as a mat-
ter of fact that the people of the States were not ready.
The moment they became ready, the legal, constitutional
and artificial boundary was destroyed. This is a tremendous
moral question. Constitutionalism, legality and such other things
are good enough within their respective spheres, but they become
a drag upon human progress immediately the human mind has
broken these artificial bonds and flies higher. That is precisely
what is happening before my eyes. Without any spur from any
outside agency I saw at once that there must be intervention by
the Congress of the type you see today. And it will go on from
stage to stage, if the Congress remains the moral force that it has
become — in other words, if the Congress lives up to its policy of
non-violence.
People say that I have changed my view, that I say today
something different from what I said years ago. The fact of the
matter is that conditions have changed. I am the same. My
words and deeds are dictated by prevailing conditions. There
has been a gradual evolution in my environment and I react to
it as a satyagrahi.
The correspondent next drew Gandhiji’s attention to recent developments
in Rajkot and in Baroda, where the minorities were protesting against the
Congress dictation. Gandhiji said in reply that he was unperturbed by those
developments. He said;
328
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The movement for liberty cannot possibly be withdrawn or
arrested because there are at the moment so-called communal
splits. I see that history is repeating itself and the power that
is losing ground is becoming desperate and fomenting trouble and
dissension within, hoping to drag on its existence by means of
these dissensions. If the people know how to work the non-violent
technique, the powers that are acting in this manner will be
confounded and the people will rise victorious.
The Muslims in Rajkot, for instance, have everything to
gain by the people of Rajkot securing liberty. They are today
depending upon the sweet will, not of the Rulers, but of the
advisers of the Rulers ; tomorrow they will share power with the
people because they are of the people. But I really do not believe
that there is real Muslim opposition in Rajkot. They have
enjoyed the best relations with the Hindus. I know this from per-
sonal experience myself. During the three months’ brief but bril-
liant struggle there was no dissension between the Hindus and
the Muslims in Rajkot. Though many Muslims did not court
imprisonment, the Muslims as a community remained at the back
of the agitation.
I really do not understand this unfortunate squabble in Baroda.
I am as yet too paralysed to get a full grasp of the situa-
tion. There again, what can Maharashtrians lose if there is self-
rule in Baroda? They are powerful enough to assert themselves.
It is not as if they will be crushed by the so-called Gujarati
majority, and if the majority gets its share of the crumbs of
office, that should not be a matter for non-participation by the
Maharashtrians in the struggle for liberty. Hence, though I have
not been able to fathom the bottom of this quarrel, I have no
misgivings so long as the reformers remain non-violent and do not
harbour any ill will against the Maharashtrians for their action.
The question dwindles into insignificance so far as Baroda is con-
cerned when it is remembered that against its population of
2,500,000 there are only a few thousands of Maharashtrians,
mostly to be found in Baroda city itself.
The Times of India, January 25, 1939, and Harijan, 28-1-1939
374. LETTER TO MANUAL GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 25, 1939
CHI. MANILAL,
Enclosed is a cheque for £100. It is for the repairs of the
library building — is it not? Why should you be afraid of the
astrological prediction ? Now it is certainly time for me to leave the
world. Do not weep if you hear the news of my demise tomorrow.
Both of you may look after my work. You should shine as my
heir. Add to the inheritance. Money is something that comes
and goes, but if I have some virtues those are your inheritance.
Add to them and be happy. All are sharers in this inheritance.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4893
375. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 25, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
Your letter does you justice. It came to my hand at 6.30.
It is 7.50 now. I only think of your good. How can I claim
to be a father otherwise? It is wrong for you to stay back
for fear of your dreams and forecasts coming true. One should
not deviate from one’s duty even if the forecast is trustworthy.
What does it matter if I or anybody at Akola dies when you
are not here? If your presence here is necessary for some serv-
ice, it becomes your duty to stay back. Otherwise, your place
is by Manilal. You are his wife, his vamangini, which means the
left side of the body. You are his better half. Your place is
where Manilal is. Go without hesitation and with a light heart.
That is your duty.
The enclosed is for Manilal.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4894
329
376. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
Confidential Bardoli,
January 26, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
Your clear reply of the 4th inst. in reply to mine of the
23rd ultimo emboldens me to bring to your notice certain happen-
ings as I see them.
In Orissa things seem to be worst.’ Public opinion there is
not so strong as elsewhere and the most unfortunate murder of
Major Bazalgette in Ranpur has complicated the situation. The
Orissa Government, as has been officially admitted, has rendered
every assistance it could have. This unfortunate event apart, out
of a total population of 75,000 souls in Talcher, 26,000 have
been compelled by sufferings said to be indescribable to migrate
to British Orissa.
I feel that it is the clear duty of the Resident to see that
the cause of this migration is investigated and redress given to
the people.
The Resident in Kathiawad, as far as I can see, has made
the Thakore Saheb of Rajkot break his solemn pact with his
people published in the form of an official Notification.^
The struggle has, therefore, been resumed in Rajkot.
The British Prime Minister of Jaipur is said to have vowed
to crush Seth Jamnalalji, a well-known banker, philanthropist and
social reformer, and socio-political organization of which he is
the President.^ Their crime consists in aiming at responsible
government in Jaipur under the aegis of the Maharaja.
I take it that the Central Government cannot escape respon-
sibility, if the information given herein is trustworthy.
This means that the people of the States have to fight not
only their rulers who by themselves cannot resist their people but
they have also to combat the unseen and all too powerful hand
of the Central authority.
I venture to present this awful problem to you. I call it
awful because I do not know how far it will commit both the
Vide pp. 318-20.
3 Vide pp. 299-300.
330
LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
331
Central authority and the Congress which has a moral duty by the
people of the States. I can understand the treaty obligations of
the Paramount Power to protect States against danger from with-
out and anarchy within. Is not the corollary equally true, that
if the States suppress their people, the latter have also to be
protected by the Paramount Power? Can a State suppress free
speech, meetings and the like, and expect the Paramount Power
to help it in doing so, if the afflicted people carry on a non-
violent agitation for the natural freedom to which every human
being in decent society is entitled ?
I do not expect any reply to my letter unless there is any-
thing to tell me. I know how every moment of your time is
occupied. It is enough for me to know, as I do know, that
my letters receive your personal attention.
I remain.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a microfilm of a printed copy: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy:
National Archives of India. Also Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, pp. 401-2
377. LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH
Bardoli,
January 26, 1939
CHI. CHANDAN,
I have asked Kanu to send you Rs. 30. I am sorry this
was overlooked.
You should take it for certain that H. would not have
left had it not been for the episode in which you figured. Do
not forget the purport of your first letter. You wanted that
H. should give up women’s education. That has been done.
To do anything more is cruelty. Your purpose is served. I
do not hold you guilty. You wanted such justice from me, did
you not? If I hand over the papers to Jamnalalji and
others and if they hold you guilty, will you accept the ver-
dict? Are you so foolish? But that is the meaning of your let-
ter. You write that you will accept the verdict if they hold
you guilty. This statement lacks wisdom. When I have acquit-
ted you, what more is there for you to do? But I have done
more for you. I pronounced you not guilty and made H.
give up Dakshinamurti and women’s education. What more
332
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
would you gain by making him accept his guilt? A prisoner is
punished but he is never forced to confess the guilt. You are
really exhibiting your foolishness. Have you or have you not
given me the right to call you foolish? Write your reply with
an easy mind. If you insist, I shall certainly give trouble to
Jamnalalji and others.
I advise you to forget about H. and absorb yourself in
your work. If you do not find the food suitable, cook yourself.
It will take 15 minutes in a cooker.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 948. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar
378. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHMA CHAMDIWALA
January 26, 1939
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
You will have received my letter. Your question is perti-
nent. But the solution is not to be found in what happened.
We must find out why it happened. There is plenty of violence
in the Aryan League. Who will counteract it? The substance
of what you say is that the Muslims are more given to the gos-
pel of violence. What is the non-violent person to do when two
violent parties fight? When he is powerless to do anything he
should pray, keep away from the conflict and seek for an oppor-
tunity to sacrifice himself.
About The Hindustan Times you should speak to Devdas.
The newspapers here do not contain any news of the riot.
Was there anything in The Statesman?
I have not read the letter to Kripalani. I gave it to Pyare-
lal to forward to him.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 2475
379. SPEECH AT MEETING OE PEASANTS
Bardoli,
January 26, 1939
I went through the resolutions you have passed before coming
here. Let me congratulate both the parties on it. Sardar has
said that you have passed these resolutions with God as your
witness. You have already had some experience of what happens
when a man breaks his vow. I do hope that you will
fully adhere to these resolutions. Quite often, when people do
not make such resolutions of their own accord, law compels
them to do so, which carries with it some kind of punishment.
It is a good thing that you have passed these resolutions
of your own free will. It is not an ordinary thing that the
Dublas have ceased to be serfs and have become free. Of
course, these resolutions gave me an impression that the peasants
in this part are big businessmen for, through these resolutions
they have indeed struck a big bargain. What is so great about
paying fair daily wages to the Dublas for the full quota of work
whereas formerly they were made to work as much as the own-
ers desired? I am not greatly impressed by it. According to
me, any man or woman must get the minimum wage of 8 annas
for 8 hours of work. God willing, such conditions will be creat-
ed in my lifetime. You may find 8 annas a big thing; but it
* The meeting, with an attendance of between 10 and 15 thousand land-
owners and Halis or Dublas, was held to approve the recommendations made
by a committee of farmers and village workers, formed in the previous year
to consider the question of the emancipation of Halis whose status was that
of serfs. The committee had made the following recommendations:
(1) Every Hali to be emancipated, the wages from 26th January
1939 to be as. 4/6 (for males) and as. 3/- (for females); (2) every Hali
who has worked on his master’s farm for twelve years or more is auto-
matically free from all his debts to him; (3) such Halis as may have worked
for less than twelve years to have credited to their account a twelfth of the
debt for every year that they have worked; (4) an anna per day to be deduc-
ted from the wage, in the case of men, until the debt is repaid; (5) everyone
to be declared free from debt on expiry of 12 years, whether the debt be paid
or not; (6) every debt to expire with the debtor’s life; (7) a Dubla may
engage himself on an annual wage of Rs. 80, and Rs. 15 may be deducted
from his wage for repayment of a debt due if any; (8) a village committee
to be appointed to settle all questions pertaining to debts.
333
334
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
really is not so big. But you have fixed 3 annas as the wages
for a woman labourer, whereas you will take the same amount of
work from her. Do you think those people will run away from
you ? Hence, even while congratulating you, I tell you that you
have struck a bargain.
I would like to insist that you should not take the reso-
lution too literally. Do not think that you can never pay more
than 4g annas and 3 annas. The very fact that you have
made them free implies that they are free to work wherever they
choose and earn the wages they can. The great significance of
this resolution is that they will remain where they are and your
relations will be pure. The fact that a Dubla ceases to be a serf
and becomes a ploughman does not mean that the farmer will
not plough the land. The plough will belong to the farmer and
the Dubla will use it for him. But the real ploughman, in fact,
is the tiller of the land and the ideal condition will be that in
which both the farmer and the serf become ploughmen. Furth-
er, the resolution does not mean that even when it has been a
good year and there are bumper crops you will pay only 4| an-
nas as wages. If you do so, I would say that you have not car-
ried out your resolution.
You had taken the great vow of independence in 1921. You
have not yet fulfilled the major part of it. What you have done
now should have been done in 1921. This means that you delayed
what should have been done many years ago. Nevertheless, I
congratulate you as this is a meritorious act.
Agriculture is our basic occupation. But we are not very
good agriculturists, because our farming does not keep us busy
throughout the year. Nor does it give us enough to eat. That
is why I have described the charkha as Annapurna and praise it
even today as much as I did formerly. Hence, if the farmers want
to make progress, they will have to supplement their income by
taking to the charkha. Thus you should devote all your free time
to the charkha.
I hope the resolutions will be implemented by both the parties.
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 19-2-1939
380. LETTER TO SIR W. BEAUCHAMP ST. JOHN
Bardoli,
January 27, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for yours of the 25th inst.
I am afraid I cannot sympathize with you in your hesita-
tion. The report Shri Chudgar has sent is too valuable not to
be published. My concern was to see that I did not give cur-
rency to a report whose accuracy could be successfully challenged.
I am in correspondence with Shri Chudgar and if he adheres
to the report he has given to Seth Jamnalalji, I may feel com-
pelled to publish it in the interest of the cause of the people of
Jaipur.
I have not understood the meaning of “suitable action” to
be taken by you in the event of publication of Shri Chudgar’ s
version.
Yours sincerely,
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, pp. 400-1. Also C.W. 7809. Courtesy:
G. D. Birla
381. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
January 27, 1939
CHI. AMTUSSALAAM,
I am puzzled. I did not say no. I only explained my pre-
dicament. You made the suggestion and I accepted it. You are
so unpredictable. If you are not worried over the lack of my
contact but only about the refusal from Maulana, why is the
letter so full of that topic? But I do not wish to get into an
argument with you. There is no need for you to go to Mridula.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 669
335
382. TELEGRAM TO BISWANATH DAS
[Before January 28, 1939Y
Prime Minister
Cuttack
THAKKAR BAPA SAYS TALCHER REFUGEES STARVING AND
SUFFERING. WANT MEDICAL ASSISTANCE. PLEASE GIVE RELIEF.
Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
383. TELEGRAM TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ
Bardoli,
January 28, 1939
Jankidevi Bajaj
Wardha
don’t go JAIPUR NOW TILL CERTIFIED BY DOCTORS
AND ME AS PERFECTLY FIT AND CHEERFUL.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 210
384. DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ^
Bardoli,
January 28, 1939
The Prime Minister of Jaipur is reported to have vowed to
crush the Jaipur Rajya Praja Mandal and me. In pursuance of
that policy I have been put out of harm’s way as they may
think. Presently the same fate will overtake the members of the
Mandal. But if we are true to ourselves and our self-imposed
trust, though our bodies may be imprisoned or otherwise injured,
our spirits shall be free.
* From the reference to the plight of Talcher refugees; vide “The
States”, pp. 318-20.
2 This was to be issued by Jamnalal Bajaj at the time of his arrest.
The draft in Gandhiji’s hand is available in G.N. 3078.
336
DRAFT OF STATEMENT FOR JAMNALAL BAJAJ
337
As I go into enforced silence let me reiterate what we are
fighting for. Our goal is responsible government under the
Maharaja but our civil disobedience has not been taken up so
as to influence the Durbar to grant us responsible government.
Civil disobedience is aimed at asserting the elementary right that
belongs to all societies, to speak and write freely, to assemble in
meetings, to take out processions, to form associations, etc., so
long as these activities remain non-violent. We have been forced
to resort to civil disobedience because this elementary right has
been denied to us. The moment this right is restored civil dis-
obedience should be withdrawn.
Hence there is no question as yet of mass civil disobedience
or a no-tax campaign.
Seeing that the Mandal has been virtually declared an illegal
body, let us regard our existing register to be abrogated. A
new register should be opened if possible within the State and
without if necessary. Those only will become members who
know that there is risk today even in becoming members of the
Mandal. It is to be hoped, however, that there will be a large
number of Jaipurians living within the State or without who will
become members of the Mandal and thus at least show their dis-
approval of the ban.
The names, addresses and occupations of these members will
be registered and published from time to time.
The affairs of the Mandal will in my absence be managed
by . . .' and they will exercise all the powers of the Mandal and
the President as if the constitution was in operation. This coun-
cil of five will have the right to substitute others in their respec-
tive places. In all matters of civil disobedience the council will
whenever necessary seek and be guided by the advice of
Gandhiji.
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, pp. 403-4. Also G.N. 3078
’ Omission as in the source
68-22
385. DISCUSSION WITH REPRESENTATIVES OE
MUNICIPALITIES AND LOCAL BOARDS^
Bardoli,
January 28, 1939
The first question they asked related to the question of taxation:
The Congress is pledged to the policy of reducing the burden of taxation.
Yet when Congressmen enter the local boards and municipalities, they required
more money for carrying out their programme of beneficent municipal
activity. How can this be done without fresh taxation which the people
naturally dislike? How is the dilemma to be solved?
A. If I were a tax-payer within the jurisdiction of a local
board or a municipality, I would refuse to pay a single pie by
way of additional taxation and advise others to do likewise unless
the money we pay is returned fourfold. Those who enter local
boards and municipalities as people’s representatives go there
not to seek honour or to indulge in mutual rivalries, but to ren-
der a service of love, and that does not depend upon money.
Ours is a pauper country. If our municipal councillors are im-
bued with a real spirit of service, they will convert themselves
into unpaid sweepers, Bhangis and road-makers, and take pride in
doing so. They will invite their fellow-councillors, who may not
have come on the Congress ticket, to join them, and if they
have faith in themselves and their mission, their example will
not fail to evoke response. This means that a municipal coun-
cillor has to be a whole-timer. He should have no axe of his
own to grind. The next step would be to map out the entire
adult population within the jurisdiction of the municipality or the
local board. All should be asked to make their contribution to
municipal activity. A regular register should be maintained. Those
who are too poor to make any money contribution but are able-
bodied and physically fit, can be asked to give their free labour.
Real India consists not of a few big cities and our Presidency towns,
but of seven lakhs of villages. It is there that the real problems
of India have to be faced and solved. We require better roads,
better sanitation, better drinking water supply for our villages.
* Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Municipal Service and Non-violence”. About
200 representatives of municipalities and local boards had met Gandhiji to
discuss the various knotty problems relating to their day-to-day work.
338
DISCUSSION WITH REPRESENTATIVES OF MUNICIPALITIES 339
We shall never be able to get through even a fraction of
this stupendous work if we proceed on a money basis. But India
has an inexhaustible reserve of manpower. If we can mobilize that,
we can transform the entire look of the country in an incredibly
short time.
And the charkha is a means par excellence for effecting this
mobilization of our labour resources. It is a natural symbol of
non-violence too, which is the soul of all voluntary life-giving
corporate activity. The popularization of the charkha thus has
a definite place in any scheme of municipal work, whether it
relates to the liquidation of rural unemployment and the conse-
quent penury and appalling conditions of existence under which
vast sections of our rural population live, or whether it refers to
the amelioration of slum hfe that is the shame of our big cities.
But this presupposes a living faith in the charkha, a faith
that should lead to an intelligent study and mastering of the sci-
ence of spinning and its allied processes. As it is, we today love
to kill our time by going to cinemas and picture houses or even
in idle talk. Pursuits of making money without work interest us, but
not the charkha. Yet it is my faith that we shall advance to-
wards our goal of non-violence to the extent we succeed in univer-
salizing the charkha.
By following the plan of work outlined above, we shall
be able to return to the ratepayers whatever taxes they may
have paid, multiplied manifold, in the form of vastly improved
services and municipal amenities, and they will not grudge the
levying of additional taxes, too, should that become necessary.
A member of the Jambusar Municipality asked: “In our municipality there
are 17 members, out of whom eight have been returned on the Congress ticket,
the remaining nine are non-Congress. They can always outvote us and thwart
our plans. What should we do ?”
G. That should present no problem. If they want to proceed
in the orthodox style and fill up their time with speechifying and
so on and so forth, you need not imitate them, or waste your
time like them; you may just put in your appearance at these
meetings, but need not waste your time by taking part in idle
controversy. Instead, you should occupy all your time with
useful service of the ratepayers, by yourself wielding the bucket
and the broom, by working with the spade and the basket, by
nursing and rendering medical aid to the sick and ailing, and by
teaching the ratepayers who are illiterate, and their children,
to read and write. As a result, two things may happen. Either
340
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
your opponents will be infected by your example and will align
themselves with you and there will be an end to all controversy.
Or the ratepayers will learn to know the sheep from the goats,
and at the next election all the seventeen seats will be filled by
Congressmen. That is the non-violent way of liquidating oppo-
sition. It eliminates all conflict and clash and makes our way
clear irrespective of what the other party may or may not do.
q. Since in many places in Gujarat the National Week is being observed
by inviting the people to take part in rural uplift or municipal service work,
would it not be desirable to alter the dates of the celebration so that the week
should fall within the bright phase of the moon? This will enable mass
operations to continue even after nightfall and economize lighting.
A. A multitude of calendars are at present in vogue in diff-
erent parts of the country. But for a national celebration it is
desirable to follow a calendar which is universal. If your civic
zeal is not a vain show, beginning and ending with the National
Week, you will have a series of municipal service weeks in addi-
tion to the National Week. The dates for these weeks in each
place can be fixed according to the requirement of the activity
suited to that particular place.
“Which form of taxation is better for municipal purposes, direct or
indirect?” asked a city father from Surat.
G. Indirect taxation is found to be more popular with the
ratepayers, because its incidence is not directly felt. But the direct
taxation has more educative value and will be found more handy
when the object is to make the ratepayers municipal-minded.
A friend from Kheda District complained: “We would like to introduce
the Wardha scheme of basic education in the primary schools run by local
boards. The local bodies are willing, but the Inspectorate and the higher
officials of the Education Department are still old-fashioned in their outlook.
They have not developed faith in the Wardha principles. How shall we
circumvent this handicap?”
G. That does not surprise me. I should be surprised if
the higher educational authorities developed faith in the Wardha
scheme of education all at once. Faith will follow experience. In
the mean time all I can say is that where there is a will there is
a way. I do not think there is any legal difficulty in the way of
the Education Minister instructing his Director of Public Instruc-
tion to help, in every possible way, those who might wish to
give effect to the Wardha scheme of education. The G. P. Min-
istry has not found any difficulty in making the Education Depart-
DISCUSSION WITH REPRESENTATIVES OF MUNICIPALITIES 341
ment to fall into line with them. But if a legal or technical diffi-
culty is discovered, it can be removed in a legal way.
In our schemes for adult education, should the aim be to promote
the spread of literacy or to impart ‘useful knowledge’? What about the
education of women?
A. The primary need of those who are come of age and
are following an avocation, is to know how to read and write.
Mass illiteracy is India’s sin and shame and must be liquidated.
Of course, the literacy campaign must not begin and end with a
knowledge of the alphabet. It must go hand in hand with the
spread of useful knowledge. But municipal bodies should beware
of trying to ride two horses at a time, or else they are sure to
come a cropper.
As for illiteracy among the women, its cause is not mere
laziness and inertia as in the case of men. A more potent cause
is the status of inferiority with which an immemorial tradition
has unjustly branded her. Man has converted her into a domes-
tic drudge and an instrument of his pleasure, instead of regarding
her as his helpmate and better half ! The result is a semi-para-
lysis of our society. Woman has rightly been called the mother
of the race. We owe it to her and to ourselves to undo the
great wrong that we have done her.
“You have expressed varying opinions on certain subjects at different
times,” asked a friend from Kapadwanj, Kheda Dist. “These are sometimes
exploited by our opponents to oppose our current policies. What should we
do under these circumstances?”
G. The contradiction in these cases is only in appearance
and easily capable of being reconciled. A safe rule to follow
would be that the latest utterance, in order of time, should be
given precedence over all the previous ones. But no utterance of
mine, whether late or early, need bind you if it does not appeal
to your heart and head. That would not mean that my stand-
point was wrong. But it would be wrong to accept a standpoint
which you cannot appreciate or assimilate.
q. How to deal with people who commit nuisance by using any and
every place for evacuations? They defend the practice on the ground that it
is enjoined by their religion. Again, how to cope with the nuisance of flies,
mosquitoes, rabid dogs and monkeys, etc.? Their extermination is objected
to by some on the ground of ahimsa.
A. With regard to the first, there are two ways of dealing
with the problem — the apparently violent, and the non-violent.
342
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
You can enforce the penalty of law against those who may in-
fringe the laws of sanitation. I have used the word ‘apparent’
advisedly. Religious freedom, like liberty, becomes licence when
it is indulged in at the expense of the health and safety of others,
or in contravention of the principles of decency or morality. If
you want to claim unrestricted and absolute liberty for yourselves,
you must choose to retire from society and take to solitude. I
call the practice of making evacuations anywhere and every-
where, regardless of the health and convenience of others, a tra-
vesty of ahimsa. Where there is filth, whether physical or moral,
there is no ahimsa.
The other way is to seek out the religious heads of the sects
that indulge in these insanitary practices and to try to touch their
heart and reason by patient argument.
As for the nuisance of flies, mosquitoes, street dogs and mon-
keys, etc., I in my individual capacity may choose to put up with
it, but society as a whole cannot afford to do so if it at all wants
to exist. These pests are a result of our misdeeds. If I feed
the monkeys in a public place and thereby make life impossible
for others, it is I who commit kimsa, and society will have no
choice but to exterminate the pest that my himsa has created.
The criterion of ahimsa is the mental attitude behind an act, not
the mechanical act by itself. A citizen who lets loose pests on
others by indulging in a mistaken humanitarian sentiment is
guilty of himsa.
Shrimati Mridulabehn Sarabhai, who is a keen social worker and founder of
the Jyoti Sangh, an institution for the uplift and emancipation of women at
Ahmedabad, put Gandhiji a few leading questions on the position of women
in society: “The awakening of civil and political consciousness among Indian
women has created a conflict between their traditional domestic duties and their
duty towards society. If a woman engages in public work, she may have to
neglect her children or her household. How is the dilemma to be solved?”
Basing his reply on a celebrated text of the Gita, Gandhiji remarked that
it was always wrong to run after the ‘distant scene’ to the neglect of the
more immediate duties that might have accrued to one naturally. Neglect
of present duty was the way to destruction. The question was whether it
is a woman’s duty to devote all her time to domestic work. More often
than not a woman’s time is taken up not by the performance of essential
domestic duties but in catering for the egoistic pleasure of her lord and
master and for her own vanities.
G. To me this domestic slavery of women is a symbol of
our barbarism.
LETTER TO GENERAL SHINDE
343
In my opinion the slavery of the kitchen is a remnant of
barbarism mainly. It is high time that our womankind was
freed from this incubus. Domestic work ought not to take the
whole of a woman’s time.
MRiDULABEHN : At the elections your Congressmen expect all manner of
help from us, but when we ask them to send out their wives and daughters
to join us in public work, they bring forth all sorts of excuses and want to
keep them close prisoners within the four domestic walls. What remedy do
you suggest?
G. Send the names of all such antediluvian fossils to me for
publication in Harijan.
Segaon, February 7, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
386. LETTER TO GENERAL SHINDE
Bardoli,
January 29, 1939
DEAR GEN. SHINDE,
I am obliged to you for your letter of the 25th inst.
I want unity between Maharashtrians and Gujaratis. There
is no reason whatsoever for a split.
If you have copies of Sardar Vallabhbhai’s speeches at Bha-
dran and Ena,' I would like to see them. Sardar is not the man
to foment dissensions between the two communities.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* The addressee in his letter had charged Sardar Patel with fomenting
dissensions between Gujaratis and Maharashtrians by his speeches at Bhadran
and Ena and by his Press statements.
387. LETTER TO MAHARAJA OE MYSORE
Bardoli,
January 29, 1939
DEAR MAHARAJA SAHIB,
I had intended long since to thank you for the woollen
shawl you were good enough to send me through Shri Ranga-
swami. I hope that the relations between the State and the peo-
ple are happy and that the forthcoming reforms will inaugurate
an era of peace and prosperity.
I am.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
Maharaja of Mysore
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
388. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
January 29, 1939
DEAR DAUGHTER,
I have your two letters.
How can I order you ? I have already said that you are free
to do as you like as I do not know what is in your best interest.
It would be absurd for me to express any opinion under such
circumstances. So the best thing would be for you to do what
you think proper. I shall be content with that. I write this
neither in grief nor in anger, only with your good at heart.
I hope everyone there is well, including yourself
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 413
344
389. SPEECH AT MEETING OE PEASANTS^
Varad,
[January 29, 1939Y
There can be no two opinions that this is an auspicious occa-
sion. There was a time when we were faced with confiscation of
our lands and when they were actually confiscated we declared
times without number in our speeches that the Government would
not be able to retain them, that they would be returned to the
owners. And now these lands have been returned. Do not
think that we have been able to get them back by our ceaseless
efforts. You would be making a great mistake if you thought
so. We have succeeded to the extent we adhered to truth and
non-violence. Chitta PateP remained firm and never came to
Varad. He therefore completely fulfilled his pledge. It is not
that Chittabhai alone had taken such a pledge. India abounds
in such men and it is owing to their merit alone that we have
got back our lands.
But we must know how to lose them again should an occa-
sion arise. To believe that restoration of lands means that we
have won swaraj or that we have become fit for it is to commit a sin.
It suggests that for winning swaraj we have to tread the path
which we have trodden so far. Let us not delude ourselves
that nothing remains for us to do now. If we play the game
guided by self-interest and pecuniary motives, we are bound to
lose. I wish to warn you that a greater ordeal is yet to come.'*
Let us in all humility pray to God that He may bless us
with strength a hundredfold of that which He has bestowed on us up
to now, so that we may be able to stand more fiery ordeals. We
have had the courage to go to jail, to lose our homes and lands.
Let us now pray for the courage to go to the scaffold cheerfully
or to become ashes in a consuming fire. When we have exhibited
* On the occasion of restoration of confiscated lands. The text has been
extracted from Mahadev Desai’s reports in Gujarati and English under the
heading “Bardoli”.
2 From Gandhi — 1915-1948
^ Chitta Patel had vowed not to enter the British territories until the
confiscated lands were restored.
^ The paragraph that follows is from Harijan.
345
346
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
that courage, swaraj will be ours, and no one dare rob us of
it. But if we forget the lesson today, we shall lose the battle and
be bankrupt. I hope and pray that none of us may be found
wanting when the supreme test comes.
Harijanbandhu, 2Q-2-l9'39, and Harijan, 18-2-1939
390. RAJKOT
The struggle in Rajkot has a personal touch about it for me.
It was the place where I received all my education up to the
matriculation examination and where my father was Dewan for
many years. My wife feels so much about the sufferings of the
people that though she is as old as I am and much less able than
myself to brave such hardships as may be attendant upon jail
life, she feels she must go to Rajkot. And before this is in print
she might have gone there.'
But I want to take a detached view of the struggle. Sar-
dar’s statement^, reproduced elsewhere, is a legal document in
the sense that it has not a superfluous word in it and contains
nothing that cannot be supported by unimpeachable evidence
most of which is based on written records which are attached to
it as appendices.
It furnishes evidence of a cold-blooded breach of a solemn
covenant entered into between the Rajkot Ruler and his people.^
And the breach has been committed at the instance and bidding
of the British Resident"* who is directly linked with the Viceroy.
To the covenant a British Dewan^ was party. His boast was
that he represented British authority. He had expected to rule
the Ruler. He was therefore no fool to fall into the Sardar’s
trap. Therefore, the covenant was not an extortion from an
imbecile ruler. The British Resident detested the Congress and
the Sardar for the crime of saving the Thakore Saheb from bank-
ruptcy and, probably, loss of his gadi. The Congress influence
he could not brook. And so before the Thakore Saheb could
possibly redeem his promise to his people, he made him break
’ Kasturba Gandhi was arrested at Rajkot on February 3 on entering
the State to offer satyagraha.
^ Appendix I.
^ Vide “Letter to Lord Linlithgow”, pp. 330-1, and also “The States”,
pp. 318-20.
"* E. C. Gibson
^ Sir Patrick R. Cadell
RAJKOT
347
it. If the news the Sardar is receiving from Rajkot is to be believ-
ed, the Resident is showing the red claws of the British lion
and says in effect to the people: ‘Your ruler is my creature.
I have put him on the gadi and I can depose him. He knew
well enough that he had acted against my wishes. I have
therefore undone his action in coming to terms with his people.
For your dealings with the Congress and the Sardar I shall teach
you a lesson that you will not forget for a generation.’
Having made the Ruler a virtual prisoner, he has begun a
reign of terrorism in Rajkot. Here is what the latest telegram
received by the Sardar says:
Becharbhai Jasani and other volunteers arrested. Twenty-six volun-
teers taken at night to a distant place in the Agency limits and brutally
beaten. Volunteers in villages are similarly treated. Agency police con-
trolling State agency and searching private houses in civil limits.
The British Resident is repeating the performances of the
British officials in ‘British India’ during the civil disobedience days.
I know that if the people of Rajkot can stand all this mad-
ness without themselves becoming mad, and meekly but resolutely
and bravely suffer the inhumanities heaped upon them, they will
come out victorious and, what is more, they will set free the
Thakore Saheb. They will prove that they are the real rulers of
Rajkot under the paramountcy of the Congress. If, however,
they go mad and think of impotent retaliation and resort to acts
of violence, their state will be worse than before and the para-
mountcy of the Congress will be of no effect. The Congress
paramountcy avails only those who accept the banner of non-
violence, even as the paramountcy of Britain avails only those who
subscribe to the doctrine of ‘might is right.’
What then is the duty of the Congress when the people of
Rajkot have to face not the Ruler and his tiny police but the
disciplined hordes of the British Empire ?
The first and natural step is for the Congress ministry to
make themselves responsible for the safety and honour of the
people of Rajkot. It is true that the Government of India Act
gives the ministers no power over the States. But they are gover-
nors of a mighty province in which Rajkot is but a speck. As
such they have rights and duties outside the Government of India
Act. And these are much the most important. Supposing that Raj-
kot became the place of refuge for all the goondas that India could
produce, supposing further that from there they carried on opera-
tions throughout India, the ministers would clearly have the right
348
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and it would be their duty to ask the Paramount Power through
the British Representative in Bombay to set things right in Raj-
kot. And it will be the duty of the Paramount Power to do so
or to lose the ministers. Every minister in his province is affected
by everything that happens in territories within his geographical
limit though outside his legal jurisdiction, especially if that thing
hurts his sense of decency. Responsible government in those parts
may not be the ministers’ concern, but if there is plague in those
parts or butchery going on, it is very much their concern; or else
their rule is a sham and a delusion. Thus the ministers in Orissa
may not sit comfortably in their chairs, if they do not succeed in
sending 26,000 refugees of Talcher to their home with an absolute
assurance of safety and freedom of speech and social and political
intercourse. It is insufferable that the Congress, which is today
in alliance with the British Government, should be treated as an
enemy and an outsider in the States which are vassals of the
British.
This wanton breach, instigated by the British Resident in
Rajkot, of the charter of the liberty of its people is a wrong
which must be set right at the earliest possible moment. It is
like a poison corroding the whole body. Will H. E. the Viceroy
realize the significance of Rajkot and remove the poison?
Bardoli, January 30, 1939
Harijan, 4-2-1939
391. THE MODERN GIRL
I have received a letter written on behalf of eleven girls whose
names and addresses have been sent to me. I give it below with
changes that make it more readable without in any way altering
the meaning:
Your comments on the letter of a lady student captioned ‘Stu-
dents’ Shame’ and published in Harijan on the 31st December, 1938*
deserve special attention. The modern girl, it seems, has provoked you
to the extent that you have disposed of her finally as one playing
Juliet to half a dozen Romeos. This remark which betrays your idea
about women in general is not very inspiring.
In these days when women are coming out of closed doors to
help men and take an equal share of the burden of life, it is indeed
strange that they are still blamed even when they are maltreated by men.
* Vide pp. 244-8.
THE MODERN GIRL
349
It cannot be denied that instances can be cited where the fault is equal-
ly divided. There may be a few girls playing Juliets to half a dozen
Romeos. But such cases presuppose the existence of half a dozen
Romeos, moving about the streets in quest of a Juliet. And it cannot or
should never be taken that modern girls are categorically all Juliets or
modern youths all Romeos. You yourself have come in contact with
quite a number of modern girls and may have been struck by their reso-
lution, sacrifice and other sterling womanly virtues.
As for forming public opinion against such misdemeanours as
pointed out by your correspondent, it is not for girls to do it, not so
much out of false shame as from its ineffectiveness.
But a statement like this from one revered all over the world
seems to hold a brief once more for that worn out and unbecoming
saying ‘woman is the gate of Hell.’
From the foregoing remarks, however, please do not conclude
that modern girls have no respect for you. They hold you in as much
respect as every young man does. To be hated or pitied is what they
resent much. They are ready to mend their ways if they are really
guilty. Their guilt, if any, must be conclusively proved before they are
anathematized. In this respect they would neither desire to take shelter
under the covering of ‘ladies, please’, nor would they silently stand and
allow the judge to condemn them in his own way. Truth must be
faced; the modern girl or ‘Juliet’, as you have called her, has courage
enough to face it.
My correspondents do not perhaps know that I began serv-
ice of India’s women in South Africa more than forty years ago
when perhaps none of them was born. I hold myself to be
incapable of writing anything derogatory to womanhood. My
regard for the fair sex is too great to permit me to think ill of
them. She is, what she has been described to be in English, the
better half of mankind. And my article was written to expose
students’ shame, not to advertise the frailties of girls. But in giving
the diagnosis of the disease, I was bound, if I was to prescribe the
right remedy, to mention all the factors which induced the disease.
The ‘modern girl’ has a special meaning. Therefore there
was no question of my restricting the scope of my remark to
some. But all the girls who receive English education are
not modern girls. I know many who are not at all touched
by the ‘modern girl’ spirit. But there are some who have be-
come modern girls. My remark was meant to warn India’s girl
students against copying the ‘modern girl’ and complicating a prob-
lem that has become a serious menace. For, at the time I receiv-
ed the letter referred to, I received also a letter from an Andhra
350
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
girl Student bitterly complaining of the behaviour of Andhra stu-
dents which from the description given is worse than what was
described by the Lahore girl. This daughter of Andhra tells me
the simple dress of her girl friends gives them no protection,
but they lack the courage to expose the barbarism of the boys
who are a disgrace to the institution they belong to. I commend
this complaint to the authorities of the Andhra University.
The eleven girls I invite to initiate a crusade against the rude
behaviour of students. God helps only those who help them-
selves. The girls must learn the art of protecting themselves against
the ruffianly behaviour of man.
Bardoli, January 30, 1939
Harijan, 4-2-1939
392. JAIPUR
The reader should know the distinction between the Jaipur
struggle and the Rajkot one.
The Rajkot struggle is frankly for responsible government
within the State and is now for redeeming the Ruler’s promise to
his people. Every man and woman of Rajkot, if they have any
stuff in them, will be reduced to dust in resisting the dishonour-
able conduct of the British Resident.
The Jaipur struggle is on a very small and narrow issue.
The one political association of Jaipur has been virtually
declared illegal for the offence of pleading for responsible govern-
ment, and its President, himself a resident of Jaipur, has been
put under a ban. The civil disobedience struggle will cease the
moment the bans are lifted and the right of free association, hold-
ing public meetings, etc., is conceded. But here again the Brit-
ish lion has opened out his big claws. The British Prime Min-
ister of Jaipur had a chat with Barrister Chudgar, legal adviser
of the Rao Rana of Sikar. He reported to Seth Jamnalalji the
following purport of the talk:
I understand it my duty to inform you that during my inter-
view with Sir Beauchamp St. John, Prime Minister of Jaipur, in con-
nection with Sikar affairs on the 9th inst. (January), at about 11 a. m. at
his bungalow Natanika Bagh, I had some discussion with him regarding
the Jaipur situation. The following is the substance of the discussion:
I told Sir Beauchamp that the ban against your entry into Jaipur
State territories came as a painful surprise to millions of people all over
India, particularly because you are well-known to be a man of peace
JAIPUR
351
and your mission was to supervise and direct famine relief activities in
the famine-stricken parts of Jaipur State. To this Sir Beauchamp re-
plied that he agreed that you are a man of peace, but you and your
men’s visit, he thought, would bring you and your men in contact with
the masses in the famine-stricken areas, and this he did not like for
obvious political reasons. I told him that you cannot be expected to
submit to the order for an indefinite period, and that it would be better
in the interests of the State and the people, in view of the statement
you have published in the Press after you had been served with the
order, if the order were recalled so that unnecessary trouble may be
avoided. He was adamant, and he said that he was prepared to meet
any situation that might arise if you disobeyed the order. He said
that the Congressmen are out for a revolution by means of a non-
violent struggle. But non-violence, he said, was a force as powerful or per-
haps more powerful than violence. He further said Indians were playing
upon the humane instincts in the English race, but if there was Japan
or Herr Hitler instead of the English in India we could not have succeed-
ed so well with our non-violence.
He then said that it was his considered opinion that non-violence,
however strict, must be met by violence, and his reply to the non-
violent movement in Jaipur would be the ‘machine-gun’. I pointed out
to him that all Englishmen were not of his way of thinking and even
the English race as such would not agree with him. He said, “That
may or may not be so,” but personally he was of the opinion that there
was no difference between non-violence and violence, and that there
would be nothing wrong in using violence against non-violence.
If you or Mahatmaji desire to make use of this statement, I have
no objection.
I considered this to be so startling that I referred it to the
Prime Minister in the following letter (18-1-1939) 9 The Prime
Minister replied as follows (20-1-1939):
I write to acknowledge your kind letter of the 18th instant, enclos-
ing a copy of a letter from Mr. Chudgar to Seth Jamnalal Bajaj.
Your hesitation in publishing it before you had ascertained the correct-
ness of its contents was a wise step, which I personally much appreciate,
as I am now able to inform you that its description of my views is com-
pletely erroneous. I am unable to understand how Mr. Chudgar so
misunderstood me, as I may say that this incident confirms me in my
hesitation to grant any such interviews in future.
Now that you are aware of the facts, I am sure your reluctance
to publish such a letter will be confirmed. Should, however, you decide
* For the text of the letter, vide p. 303.
352
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Otherwise, I shall be glad if you can inform me as soon as practicable so
that I can take suitable action.
With renewed thanks for your consideration.
I replied as under (22-1-1939) 9
To this there came the following reply (25-1-1939):
Many thanks for your letter of the 22 nd instant.
I am sure you will sympathize with me in my natural hesitation
to make a record of an interview which was understood to be private and
personal when the other party to the interview has already threatened
to publish an erroneous version. Such a procedure can, as I am sure
you will agree, only lead to acrimony, and so far as I can see, serve no
useful purpose.
Should, however, Mr. Chudgar see fit to publish his erroneous
version, I am sure you will give me due warning so that, as I have
already said, I may take suitable action.
To this I replied again as follows (27-1-1939) '?
I referred the correspondence to Shri Chudgar and he has
sent me the copy of the following letter he has addressed to Shri
Jamnalal (28-1-1939):
I have read the correspondence between Mahatmaji and Sir W.
Beauchamp St. John ending with Mahatmaji’s letter to him dated
the 27th inst. I have carefully read my letter to you dated the 15th
inst. again, and I say that what I have stated in that letter is a substan-
tially correct reproduction of the conversation between me and Sir
Beauchamp.
The Prime Minister’s letters have made strange reading. I
had asked for bread, he has sent me a stone. He will pardon
me if I believe Shri Chudgar’ s version, unless he can give his
own. His mere denial accompanied by a threat carries no weight.
The Congress cannot wait and watch whilst it has the power,
and allow the people of Jaipur to die of mental and moral starva-
tion, especially when this denial of a natural right is backed
by British might. If the Prime Minister has no authority to do
what he is doing, let him at least be recalled.
Bardoli, January 30, 1939
Harijan, 11-2-1939. Also C.W. 7809. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
* For the text of the letter, vide p. 314.
2 For the text of the letter, vide p. 335.
393. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 30, 1939
CHI. KANTI,
I had messages sent to you. Ba, I and others were worried
because there was no letter from you. It was received today. I
am all right. You should not miss sending at least one postcard
every week.
I have had a long talk with Ramachandran. I have just
received his letter. He is now convinced. I am of course still
trying to persuade him to send Saraswati. S.’s help is essential in
this matter.
It is time for prayer and so I stop now.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I am leaving for Segaon on the 1st.
From Gujarati: C.W. 7357. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
394. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
January 30, 1939
CHI. KANTI,
I do not make any suggestions of my own these days. P.’s
name was mentioned to me and that was the only name. I had
expressed my objection to re-election.
You must have received my letter of yesterday.
Saraswati writes to me occasionally.
Take care of your health.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 7356. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
353
68-23
395. ‘KICKS AND KISSES’
The reader will read with painful interest the following ac-
count, said to be authentic, of the meeting recently held in Bom-
bay of the Chamber of Princes:
H. H. the Maharaja of Bikaner opened the discussions by narrat-
ing the events at Rajkot where, he said, the trouble was due to the
absence of influential jagirdars, the want of demarcation between the
Privy Purse and the State Expenditure, and the smallness of the Kathia-
war States. It was regarded as a test case by the Congress, and they had
selected Rajkot for various reasons, the principal ones being that Rajkot,
small and with limited resources, would not be able to withstand for long
the onslaughts of the Congress, that the ground was ready for the deli-
very of such an attack, that the Congress was virile and active in Kathia-
war and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel was near at hand to direct opera-
tions and conduct the campaign. H. H. the Maharaja of Bikaner then
mooted the suggestion of a common Police force for a group of States,
as the resources of individual States, particularly of small ones, are not
extensive and, therefore, totally inadequate to face the common danger.
Such also was the indication of the Paramount Power and of its represen-
tatives. No great reliance, he said, could now be placed on co-operation
and help from adjoining British territories as Congress was supreme
there and they naturally would not like to help Indian States. On the
other hand their sympathies either tacitly or actively are on the side of
Indian State subjects or foreign agitators. This was actually evidenced by
the attitude of the Orissa Government when help was demanded by
the States in Orissa which had to face this trouble.
Continuing, he stated that the Congress would devote increasing-
ly greater attention to Indian States. Up to now its policy, as em-
bodied in the resolution of the Haripura session and before, was of non-
intervention, and the Indian States people were directed to be self-
reliant. The reason is manifest. The Congress was actively busy with
British Indian problems, and it wanted to generate strength in Indian
States subjects and foster self-help in them. Now the Congress had
practically established its sway in British India and would naturally
mobilize its energy and influence towards Indian States.
There was another point. In order to distract attention from the
differences that are creeping into Congress ranks, it is necessary to unfold
the plans of a campaign. This is a subtle but short dictum of statecraft.
354
‘kicks and kisses’
355
This is one of the reasons of the Italian conquest of Abyssinia and the
Austrian and Sudeten campaigns of Germany. It enables the powers to
draw attention away from cleavages in the party and creates enthu-
siasm amongst its followers. We have also to bear in mind the attitude
of the Paramount Power. In this connection reference must be made to
the recent utterances of Mr. Gandhi on this subject. In my opinion
greater reliance should be placed on our own strength than on any out-
side agency whose support is, at best, precarious and inadequate.
After a survey of Rajkot affairs. His Highness discussed the prob-
lems of the Rajputana States and outlined for the benefit of the Princes
the policy he pursued with regard to his own State, Bikaner. He stated
that he started the State Assembly in 1913, and it discussed the State
expenditure. Bikaner had a Raj-patra — State Gazette. He discriminat-
ed between the agitators from outside and from amongst his own sub-
jects. This, he said, was important and the distinction must ever be
borne in mind. Foreign agitators, who have no stake in the State and
who assume this role merely to be dubbed leaders and to be in the
public eye, deserve short shrift. No consideration should be shown to
them. Their continued activities are a menace to the State; their pre-
sence constitutes a danger. The remedy is deportation from the State
and their entry should be banned. The agitators in the State, though
equally obnoxious to the State and its ordered peace and progress, how-
ever, stand on a slightly different footing. They have an interest in the
land; they probably sometimes advocate grievances which are to a cert-
ain extent legitimate, and such should be redressed as far as possible
so that the wind may be taken away from the sails of their agitation
which they advocate and foster. Legitimate grievances so far as possible
should be redressed and agitation should be silenced. If the agitators are
genuine and come from the ranks of the educated unemployed, an effort
should be made to give them suitable State employment and to close their
mouths, acting on the adage “it is better to sew the mouth with a morsel.”
The question of Praja Mandals was then discussed. In this con-
nection H. H. the Maharaja of Bikaner, Sir Kailashnarain Haksar, R. B.
Pandit Amar Nath Atal of Jaipur, Pt. Dharmanarain of Udaipur and
Major Harvey of Alwar made valuable contributions to the discussions.
Mr. Robertson of Bundi and Mr. McGregor of Sirohi also asked a few
questions. Mr. Atal narrated at great length the origin and growth of
the Praja Mandal at Jaipur. It was evident that the founders and pro-
moters of these Praja Mandals were disgruntled subjects and dismissed
petty officials of the State. A note of caution and warning was sounded.
It was agreed that they should be watched very carefully and their acti-
vities, however slight or extensive, should be fully reported. It was stat-
ed that these Praja Mandals should be crushed immediately and that
356
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
they should not be allowed to gather strength or to attain the status of
an influential body. If they had gained any, an effort should be made
to direct adroitly their activities into social channels such as the Sarda
Act, etc. On the other hand it was urged that the formation of genuine
and healthy advisory bodies of the States people should be encouraged,
which should form the nucleus for the training of the people for so-called
responsible government in the States. The Praja Mandals located outside
the States should be ignored.
As regards responsible government in the States advocated by
Congress leaders like Messrs Gandhi and Patel, it was felt that the States
people are not at all ready for it, and to concede it, therefore, would
be detrimental to the States and the people and fatal to ordered prog-
ress and peace. The position was summed up in the dictum, ‘Be
responsive, but no responsible government.’ H. H. the Maharaja of
Bikaner was emphatic in his policy towards the Congress, and his words
can be crystallized in the following mottos: Be just, but be firm; follow
the policy of repression and reconciliation as stated in the famous letter
of Lord Min to in 1908, ‘the policy of kicks and kisses’. It will require
all the tact and discretion possible to adjust when to be gentle and when
to be firm and how to mix the two. The decision must depend on
the situation which confronts the State and the merits of the individual
problem. It was, however, very clear in their discussions that the Praja
Mandals, as such and as political bodies, should never be allowed to be
formed in the States, and if in existence, should be crushed and banned
and their activities very carefully and closely watched. No hard and
fast rules could be laid down as to how they should be repressed.
Individual States will devise and evolve their own plans and lay down
the modus operandi.
The tentative conclusions arrived at were: 1. Group Police for
States; 2. Praja Mandals to be crushed immediately; 3. Legitimate
grievances to be redressed; 4. Foreign agitators to be severely dealt with
and deported; 5. Encourage social activities but not political; 6.
Encourage genuine States People’s Advisory Bodies; 7. Policy of ‘Recon-
ciliation and Repression’; ‘Be just, but be firm’.
If the report is an accurate summary of the speeches deli-
vered at the Conference, it shows that there is a nefarious plot to
crush the movement for liberty which at long last has commenced
in some of the States. Kisses are to go hand in hand with kicks.
This reminds me of the Latin proverb which means: “I fear the
Greeks especially when they bring gifts!” Henceforth Rulers’
favours are to be suspected. Reforms when they are made are to
be made not for the sake of making the people happy, but in
order to sew the mouth with a morsel. But man’s proposals are
LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
357
often confounded even though his may be a crowned head. God
has been found often to have disposed of his proposals in a way
contrary to his expectations. If the people have shed fear and
learnt the art of self-sacrifice, they need no favours. Kicks can
never cow them. They will take what they need and assimilate
it.
Bardoli, January 31, 1939
Harijan, 4-2-1939
396. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
January 31, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
Shri K. M. Munshi, Sir Purshottamdas and now Shri G. D.
Birla tell me that my writings in Harijan about the States have
been causing you embarrassment — more especially about Jaipur.
I have, therefore, suspended publication of the accompanying
article^ which I had already sent to the Manager of Harijan
at Poona.
I need hardly say that I have no desire whatsoever to do
anything that would cause you embarrassment, if I could avoid
it. My purpose is to secure justice for the people concerned.
How I wish it were possible for you to take effective action
in the three cases mentioned by me in my previous letter^!
May I expect a line as to what you would have me do
about the article under suspension?
I am.
Tours sincerely.
From a copy: C.W. 7806. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
^ Vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
2 Vide pp. 330-1.
397. LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM GANDHI
Bardoli,
January 31, 1939
CHI. PURUSHOTTAM,
Here are a few words' about Panditji.
I hope you are keeping good health.
Do write sometimes about Kusum, Manju and others.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II
398. IN MEMORY OF NARATAN M. KHARE^
Bardoli,
January 31, 1939
I like to write about Panditji. I have many sweet memories
of him. But I do not have the time to record them. The
essence of all those memories is that I have seen very few persons
combining purity and music. It was found in a great measure
in Panditji. It was Panditji who created a taste for good music
in Gujarat. For this, Gujarat will remain ever indebted to
him.
M. K. Gandhi
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II
* Vide the following item.
^ He had died on February 6, 1938, at Haripura.
358
399. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
Bardoli,
January 31, 1939
Shri Subhas Bose has achieved a decisive victory over his
opponent, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya. I must confess that
from the very beginning I was decidedly against his re-election
for reasons into which I need not go. I do not subscribe to
his facts or the arguments in his manifestos. I think that his
references to his colleagues were unjustified and unworthy.
Nevertheless, I am glad of his victory. And since I was
instrumental in inducing Dr. Pattabhi not to withdraw his name
as a candidate when Maulana Saheb withdrew, the defeat is
more mine than his. I am nothing if I do not represent definite
principles and policy. Therefore, it is plain to me that the delegates
do not approve of the principles and policy for which I stand.
I rejoice in this defeat. It gives me an opportunity of
putting into practice what I preached in my article^ on the
walk-out of the minority at the last A. I. C. C. meeting in Delhi.
Subhas Babu, instead of being President on the sufferance of those
whom he calls rightists, is now President elected in a contested
election. This enables him to choose a homogeneous cabinet
and enforce his programme without let or hindrance.
There is one thing common between majority and minority,
viz., insistence on internal purity of the Congress organization.
My writings in the Harijan have shown that the Congress is fast
becoming a corrupt organization in the sense that its registers
contain a very large number of bogus members.^ I have been
suggesting for the past many months the overhauling of these regis-
ters. I have no doubt that many of the delegates who have
been elected on the strength of these bogus voters would be
unseated on scrutiny. But I suggest no such drastic step. It will
be enough if the registers are purged of all bogus voters and are
made fool-proof for the future.
* This appeared in the source under the title “I Rejoice in This Defeat”
and was also published in The Bombay Chronicle, 1-2-1939, The Hindu, 31-1-1939,
The Hindustan Times, 1-2-1939, and various other papers.
'^Vide Vol. LXVII, pp. 401-2.
^ Vide “Internal Decay”, pp. 320-1.
359
360
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The minority has no cause for being disheartened. If they
believe in the current programme of the Congress, they will
find that it can be worked, whether they are in a minority or a
majority and even whether they are in the Congress or outside it.
The only thing that may possibly be affected by the changes
is the parliamentary programme. The ministers have been chosen
and the programme shaped by the erstwhile majority. But parlia-
mentary work is but a minor item of the Congress programme.
Congress ministers have after all to live from day to day. It
matters little to them whether they are recalled on an issue in
which they are in agreement with the Congress policy or whether
they resign because they are in disagreement with the Congress.
After all Subhas Babu is not an enemy of his country. He
has suffered for it. In his opinion his is the most forward and
boldest policy and programme. The minority can only wish it
all success. If they cannot keep pace with it, they must come
out of the Congress. If they can, they will add strength to the
majority.
The minority may not obstruct on any account. They must
abstain when they cannot co-operate. I must remind all
Congressmen that those who, being Congress-minded, remain
outside it by design, represent it most. Those, therefore, who feel
uncomfortable in being in the Congress may come out, not in
a spirit of ill will, but with the deliberate purpose of rendering
more effective service.
Harijan, 4-2-1939
400. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Bardoli,
January 31, 1939
Appeals are being made to me not to precipitate matters in
the States. These appeals are unnecessary. After three months
of non-violent struggle by the people of Rajkot an honourable
understanding was arrived at between the Thakore Saheb-in-
Council and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel representing the people,
and the struggle was closed amid general rejoicings. But the
noble work done by the Thakore Saheb and the people has been
undone by the British Resident.^
* This appeared under the title “Rajkot and Jaipur”, and was also
published in The Hindu, The Hindustan Times and The Bombay Chronicle.
^ For the Government of India communique in reply to this, vide Appendix II .
TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
361
Honour demanded that the people should fight unto death
for the restoration of the covenant between the Thakore Saheb
and his people. The struggle now is not between the Ruler and
his people, but in reality it is between the Congress and the
British Government represented by the Resident, who is reported
to be resorting to organized goondaism. He is trying thereby to
break the spirit of innocent men and women, who rightly resent
the breach of faith.
It is a misrepresentation to suggest that Rajkot has been
made a test case.* There is no planned action with reference
to Kathiawar States. What is happening is that those who feel
that they are ready for suffering come to the Sardar for advice
and he guides them. Rajkot seemed ready and the fight com-
menced there.
Jaipur’s case is incredibly simple and different from that of
Rajkot. If my information is correct, the British Prime Minister
there is determined to prevent even the movement for popularizing
the ideal for responsible government.^ Civil disobedience in
Jaipur is being, therefore, offered not for responsible government
but for the removal of the bans on the Praja Mandal and its
president Seth Jamnalal Bajaj.^
In my opinion it is the duty of the Viceroy to ask the
Resident in Rajkot to restore the pact and to ask the British
Prime Minister of Jaipur to lift the bans. Such action by the
Viceroy can in no sense be interpreted to mean unwarranted
interference in the affairs of States.
Harijan, 4-2-1939
401. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
Wardhaganj,
February 2, 1939
Ghanshyamdas Birla
New Delhi
QUITE WELL. TAKING NEEDED REST. NO ANXIETY.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 7802. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
* Vide “Kicks and Kisses”, pp. 354-7.
Vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
402. LETTER TO J. C. KUMARAPPA
Segaon,
Eebruary 2, 1939
MY DEAR KU,
I came in today. I should not have taken such a long time
to produce the accompanying.* I wanted to go through the whole
book but it was impossible. And now I am laid up. That is
to say the doctors say unless I want to commit suicide, I must
be on bed and do as little work as possible. Complete silence
is enjoined. I shall break it therefore only when I must. In
these circumstances I thought I must give you a few lines at
once. Here they are with a thousand apologies.
I hope your committee is flourishing and Sita^ is proving her
worth.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 10148
403. EOREWORD
Segaon, Wardha,
February 2, 1939
It is a good sign that Why the Village Movement is required
to go through the third edition. It supplies a felt want. Prof.
J. C. Ku[marappa] answers almost all the doubts that have been
expressed about the necessity and feasibility of the movement.
No lover of villages can aflbrd to be without the booklet. No
doubter can fail to have his doubts dispelled. It is of no use
to those who have made up their minds that the only move-
ment worth the name is to destroy the villages and dot India
with a number of big cities where highly centralized industries
will be carried out and everyone will have plenty and to spare.
* Vide the following item.
^ Wife of Bharatan Kumarappa, younger brother of the addressee
362
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
363
Fortunately as yet there are not many who belong to that school
of destruction. I wonder if the village movement has come just
in time to prevent the spread of the movement of despair! This
booklet is an attempt to answer the question.
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: G.N. 10149
404. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
February 2, 1939
chi. MIRA,
I have neglected you for many days but Sushila has instruc-
tions to write to you daily. I have to take complete rest from
physical toil but also as much as possible from mental. You
won’t worry. Bury yourself in your work.
Ba going to Rajkot. So she stayed behindb
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6426. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10021
405. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 2, 1939
BA,
Why are you uneasy? Do not worry about me. Improve
your health. Recite Ramanama. Rest assured we shall win the
battle by dint of the devotion of many. That includes yours
too.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 31
* At Bardoli
406. LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 2, 1939
CHI. SHARMA,
The work at Bardoli was so much that I fell ill and return-
ed only today. Hence the delay in answering your letter. There
is no cause for anxiety. I shall be all right.
February 3, 1939
But I could have asked someone to send you a line saying
that the reply would be delayed. I did not do it, because I was
hopeful of being able to write soon.
Destruction and construction are simultaneous processes.
Your destruction seems to be of a kind which may become un-
bearable for you. It should not turn out that you do one thing
today and another tomorrow.
I cannot write the pamphlet. You have rightly said that
everything is useless until construction has commenced. The
pamphlet probably has no place in what is going on.
An earlier letter from you mentioned a principle: namely,
that society and family are distinct entities and should be so.
However, if you think they are identical but cannot reach the
ideal today, why talk about it? Once you show in practice
that there is no difference between you and those living with me
I shall consider my job done.
The comparison with the dog is harsh but quite apt. We
are all in a way like dogs in that we lack tolerance, but living
in society and being intolerant are incompatible things.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a facsimile of the Hindi: Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah
Varsh, between pp. 177 and 178
364
407. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Segaon,
Eebruarj 3, 1939
The communiques^ issued by the Government of India and
the Jaipur Government on my statements^ on Rajkot and Jaipur
are remarkable for sins of omission and commission and suppression.
It was no part of the Sardar’s duty to publish the Thakore
Saheb’s letter about the composition of the Committee. It was
for the Thakore Saheb’s convenience that a condition as to the
composition of the Committee was embodied in a separate letter.
This is a well-known procedure adopted in delicate negotiations.
Surely the Thakore Saheb’s understanding of his note, which
admits of no double interpretation, is wholly irrelevant.
I aver that this understanding is an afterthought, discovered
to placate the Resident, who was angered that the Thakore
Saheb should have dared to deal with a Congressman and
give him a note of which he had no advice. Those who know
anything of these Residents and States know in what dread the
Princes stand of even their secretaries and peons. I write from
personal knowledge.
There is sufficient in the appendices to the Sardar’s statement*
on the recrudescence of the struggle to show how the whole trouble
is due to the Resident’s displeasure. It is wrong to suggest that the
Sardar did not give reasons for his refusal to alter the names of the
Committee. A translation of his letter is one of the appendices.
When the Thakore Saheb agreed to nominate those whom
the Sardar recommended, Mussalmans and Bhayats were before
his mind’s eye. But it was common cause that all rights would
be guaranteed under the reforms. The proper procedure would
have been to lead evidence before the Committee. I suggest that, as
happens everywhere in India, the Mussalman and Bhayat objection
to the personnel of the Committee was engineered after the event.
' This appeared under the title “Not a War of Words”, and was also
published in The Hindu, The Bombay Chronicle, and The Hindustan Times, all
of 4-2-1939.
^For the Government of India communique, vide Appendix II.
^ Vide “Rajkot”, pp. 274-6 and 346-8, “Jaipur”, pp. 299-300 and 350-2.
"* Vide Appendix I.
365
366 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
I have not asked that the Thakore Saheb should be asked to
do this or that. He has no will. His will is pledged to the Resi-
dent. The Thakore Saheb once dared to act against his suspect-
ed wishes. He was on the brink of losing his gadi. What I
have asked is that the Resident should restore the pact and help
to honour it. If it is a matter purely of names to placate inter-
ests, I undertake to persuade the Sardar to make the accommoda-
tion provided that its other parts are carried out to the full.
But the communique adroitly omits the most relevant fact
that the terms of reference too have been altered out of shape.
These were agreed to by the Thakore Saheb-in-Council, of which
the British Dewan was a member. I have never known such a
dishonourable breach of a pact signed on behalf of a Chief. I do
suggest that the Resident, who should be the custodian of the
honour of the Chiefs within his jurisdiction, has, in this case,
dragged the Thakore Saheb’ s name in the dust.
I repeat the charge of organized goondaism. The Agency
police are operating in Rajkot. Wires received by the Sardar
show that civil resisters are taken to distant places, there stripped
naked, beaten and left to their own resources. They show
further that Red Cross doctors and ambulance parties have
been prevented from rendering help to those who were injured
by lathi-charges in Halenda. I call this organized goondaism.
If the charges are denied, there should be an impartial enquiry.
Let me state the issue clearly. I seek no interference in the the
affairs of the State. I seek non-interference by the Resident in Rajkot.
The Resident is directly responsible for the strained relations between
the State and the people. It is the duty of the Paramount Power
to see that the solemn pact is fulfilled to the letter and in spirit.
If the objection about Muslim and Bhayat representation has
any honesty about it, it can be removed. I once more appeal
to His Excellency the Viceroy to study the question more deeply
than he has done. Let not a grave tragedy be enacted while
whitewashing communiques are being forged in the Delhi Secre-
tariat. This is not a war of words. It is a war in which the
people who have hitherto never been to jail nor suffered lathi
blows are exposing themselves to all risk.
As for Jaipur, I have only one word. I do know that the
British Prime Minister^ is one member of the Jaipur State Coun-
cil. My submission is that he is all in all. He has vowed venge-
ance against the Praja Mandal and Seth Jamnalalji. And in
’ Sir W. Beauchamp St. John
TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
367
spite of the forest of words about action in respect of the Praja
Mandal, I claim that virtually it is declared illegal. If not, let
the authorities leave Seth Jamnalalji free to enter Jaipur and let
him and his Mandal educate unmolested the people in the art
of responsible government. Let them be punished if they incul-
cate violence, directly or indirectly.
Harijan, 11-2-1939
408. TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ^
[On or before February 3, 1939^
STICK TO YOUR PLANS. MY BLESSING IS WITH YOU
AND SUCCESS IS YOURS.
The Hindu, 5-2-1939
409. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
Ward HA,
February 3, 1939
Ghanshyamdas
Birla House
Albuq,uerq^ue Road
New Delhi
SWELLING MUCH REDUCED. TAKING PRACTICALLY FULL
REST. BLOODPRESSURE 156/98 LAST NIGHT. JAMNALALJI
MUST NOT WAIT WITHOUT WRITTEN REQUEST FROM
AUTHORITIES.^ HAVE MADE STATEMENT ABOUT JAIPUR
GOVERNMENT COMMUNIQUE WHOLLY UNSATISFACTORY.'*
Bapu
From a copy: C.W. 7803. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
* This was evidently in reply to the addressee’s telegram of February 3,
saying: “Ghanshyamdas pressing delay re-entry” into Jaipur State, which
Bajaj intended to effect in defiance of the ban imposed by the State.
^ In his diary Bajaj mentions under the date February 3, having received
a telegram from Gandhiji. Presumably this was the telegram.
^ This was in answer to the addressee’s telegram suggesting that Jamna-
lal Bajaj might wait another fortnight before returning to Jaipur.
'* Vide the preceding item.
410. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 3, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
Your letter from Peshawar is crowded with news. You are in
the thick of it now. You must keep your health at any cost.
Cover your feet well. Insist on the food you need. Do not
overdo it. And do not go beyond your depth. Then all will
be well.
Have no worry on my account. God will keep me on earth
so long as He needs me. It is well whether I am here or else-
where. His will, not ours, be done.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6427. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10022
411. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 3, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
After the election and the manner in which it was fought, I
feel that I shall serve the country by absenting myself from the
Congress at the forthcoming session. Moreover, my health is none
too good. I would like you to help me. Please do not press me
to attend.
I hope the rest at Khali has done you and Indu good.
Indu ought to write to me.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Also A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 307
368
412. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
February 3, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
The necessary arrangements have been made for the poet
Khabardarh Ambalalbhai will pay or collect for him Rs. 200
every month.
Booke asks for more information about him. He needs an
X-Ray of his chest. There is little hope of his being able to
help much. Have you written to Parvati?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10919
413. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
February 3, 1939
CHI. KARA,
I am feeling thoroughly washed out at present. You may
come. But I do not know what I shall be able to do. The
trainees are here up to the 3rd or 4th. I hope to write about
the Roman script.^ Do the needful about Hindi pracharak. I do
not see my way clearly.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10920
' Ardeshar F. Khabardar
^ Vide “Roman Script o. Devanagari”, pp. 380-1.
369
68-24
414. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
[After Eebrmry 3, 1939Y
BA,
I have your letter. You have now become a State guest.
Take care of your health. I am not worried since Mani^ is with
you. I must have letters. I shall bear your point in mind.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Pairo, p. 32
415. DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES^
February 3j4, 1939
It is the fashion these days to talk of the rights of minorities.
Therefore, although those who understand English only are here
in a hopeless minority, I shall speak today in English."* But I
warn you that I shall not do so at the next meeting. You must
go back with a firm resolve to learn Hindustani. It is impossible
to put into practice the idea of basic education — an idea which
is calculated to answer the educational requirements of our mil-
lions — if the mind works only through the English medium.
A number of questions were put to him by the delegates. The first
question expressed a doubt as to whether the Wardha scheme was likely to
stand the test of time, or if it merely was a measure of temporary expe-
diency. Many prominent educationists were of opinion that sooner or later
the handicrafts would have to give place to whole-hog industrialization.
Would a society educated on the lines of the Wardha scheme and based on
* Kasturba Gandhi was arrested on entering Rajkot on February 3, 1939.
^ Manibehn Patel
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “Wardha Scheme under Fire”. About seventy-
five delegates from all over India had attended a three weeks’ course at the
Teacher Training Centre at Wardha. Before leaving for their respective provi-
nces they met Gandhiji.
"* Gandhiji, at the suggestion of Asha Devi, had started to speak in
Hindi and some of the delegates had not been able to follow.
370
DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES
371
justice, truth and non-violence, be able to survive the severe strain of the
process of industrialization ?
GANDHiji: This is not a practical question. It does not
affect our immediate programme. The issue before us is not as
to what is going to happen generations hence, but whether this
basic scheme of education answers the real need of the millions
that live in our villages. I do not think that India is ever
going to be industrialized to the extent that there will be no vil-
lages left. The bulk of India will always consist of villages.
“What will happen to the scheme of basic education if the Congress pol-
icy changes as a result of the recent presidential election?” he was asked next.
Gandhiji replied that it was misplaced fear. A change in the Cong-
ress policy was not going to touch the Wardha scheme.
It will affect, if it at all does, higher politics only. You
have come here to undergo three weeks’ training course, so that
you may be able to teach your students along the Wardha meth-
od on your return. You should have faith that the method will
answer the purpose intended.
Although schemes for industrialization of the country might
be put forth, the goal that the Congress has set before it today is
not industrialization of the country. Its goal is, according to a
resolution' passed by the National Congress at Bombay, revival
of village industries. You cannot have mass awakening through
any elaborate scheme of industrialization that you may put before
the kisans. It would not add a farthing to their income. But
the A. I. S.A. and A. I. V. LA. will put lakhs into their pockets
within the course of a year. Whatever happens to the Working
Committee or the ministries, personally I do not sense any dan-
ger to the constructive activities of the Congress. Although start-
ed by the Congress, they have been having an autonomous exis-
tence for a long time, and have fully proved their worth. Basic
education is an offshoot of these. Education Ministers may
change but this will remain. Therefore, those interested in basic
education should not worry themselves about Congress politics.
The new scheme of education will live or die by its own merits
or want of them.
But these questions do not satisfy me. They are not directly
connected with the scheme of basic education. They do not take
us any further. I would like you to ask me questions directly
pertaining to the scheme, so that I may give you my expert advice.
1 Vide Vol. LIX, p. 220.
372
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Before going to the meeting, a friend had asked him if the central idea
behind the scheme was that teachers should not speak a word to the pupils
that could not be correlated to the takli. Gandhiji, answering this question
in the general meeting, remarked:
This is a libel on me. It is true I have said that all instruction
must be linked with some basic craft. When you are impart-
ing knowledge to a child of 7 or 10 through the medium of an
industry, you should, to begin with, exclude all those subjects
which cannot be linked with the craft. By doing so from day to
day you will discover ways and means of linking with the craft
many things which you had excluded in the beginning. You
will save your own energy and the pupils’ if you follow this
process of exclusion to begin with. We have today no books to
go by, no precedents to guide us. Therefore we have to go slow.
The main thing is that the teacher should retain his freshness of
mind. If you come across something that you cannot correlate
with the craft, do not fret over it and get disheartened. Leave it
and go ahead with the subjects that you can correlate. Maybe
another teacher will hit upon the right way and show how it can
be correlated. And when you have pooled the experience of
many, you will have books to guide you, so that the work of
those who follow you will become easier.
How long, you will ask, are we to go on with this process of
exclusion? My reply is, for the whole lifetime. At the end you
will find that you have included many things that you had exclud-
ed at first, that practically all that was worth including has
been included, and whatever you have been obliged to exclude
till the end was something very superficial that deserved exclusion.
This has been my experience of life. I would not have been able
to do many things that I have done if I had not excluded an
equal number.
Our education has got to be revolutionized. The brain must
be educated through the hand. If I were a poet, I could write
poetry on the possibilities of the five fingers. Why should you
think that the mind is everything and the hands and feet no-
thing? Those who do not train their hands, who go through the
ordinary rut of education, lack ‘music’ in their life. All their
faculties are not trained. Mere book knowledge does not interest
the child so as to hold his attention fully. The brain gets weary
of mere words, and the child’s mind begins to wander. The
hand does the things it ought not to do, the eye sees the things it
ought not to see, the ear hears the things it ought not to hear.
DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES
373
and they do not do, see, or hear, respectively, what they ought
to. They are not taught to make the right choice and so their
education often proves their ruin. An education which does not
teach us to discriminate between good and bad, to assimilate the
one and eschew the other is a misnomer.
Shrimati Asha Devi asked Gandhiji to explain to them how the mind
could be trained through the hands.
G. The old idea was to add a handicraft to the ordinary
curriculum of education followed in the schools. That is to say,
the craft was to be taken in hand wholly separately from educa-
tion. To me that seems a fatal mistake. The teacher must learn
the craft and correlate his knowledge to the craft, so that he will
impart all that knowledge to his pupils through the medium of
the particular craft that he chooses.
Take the instance of spinning. Unless I know arithmetic I
cannot report how many yards of yarn I have produced on the
takli, or how many standard rounds it will make, or what is the
count of the yarn that I have spun. I must learn figures to be
able to do so, and I also must learn addition and subtraction
and multiplication and division. In dealing with complicated
sums I shall have to use symbols and so I get my algebra.
Even here, I would insist on the use of Hindustani letters instead
of Roman.
Take geometry next. What can be a better demonstration
of a circle than the disc of the takli ? I can teach all about cir-
cles in this way, without even mentioning the name of Euclid.
Again, you may ask how I can teach my child geography
and history through spinning. Some time ago I came across a
book called Cotton — The Story of Mankind. It thrilled me. It
read like a romance. It began with the history of ancient
times, how and when cotton was first grown, the stages of its
development, the cotton trade between the different countries,
and so on. As I mention the different countries to the child, I
shall naturally tell him something about the history and geog-
raphy of these countries. Under whose reign the different commer-
cial treaties were signed during the different periods? Why has
cotton to be imported by some countries and cloth by others?
Why can every country not grow the cotton it requires? That
will lead me into economics and elements of agriculture. I shall
teach him to know the different varieties of cotton, in what kind
of soil they grow, how to grow them, from where to get them,
and so on. Thus taA:/z-spinning leads me into the whole history
374
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
of the East India Company, what brought them here, how they
destroyed our spinning industry, how the economic motive that
brought them to India led them later to entertain political aspira-
tions, how it became a causative factor in the downfall of the
Moguls and the Marathas, in the establishment of the English
Raj, and then again in the awakening of the masses in our times.
There is thus no end to the educative possibilities of this new
scheme. And how much quicker the child will learn all that,
without putting an unnecessary tax on his mind and memory.
Let me further elaborate the idea. Just as a biologist, in
order to become a good biologist, must learn many other sciences
besides biology, the basic education, if it is treated as a science,
takes us into interminable channels of learning. To extend the
example of the takli, a pupil teacher, who rivets his attention not
merely on the mechanical process of spinning, which of course he
must master, but on the spirit of the thing, will concentrate on
the takli and its various aspects. He will ask himself why the
takli is made out of a brass disc and has a steel spindle. The
original takli had its disc made anyhow. The still more primi-
tive takli consisted of a wooden spindle with a disc of slate or
clay. The takli has been developed scientifically, and there is a
reason for making the disc out of brass and the spindle out of
steel. He must find out that reason. Then, the teacher must
ask himself why the disc has that particular diameter, no more
and no less. When he has solved these questions satisfactorily
and has gone into the mathematics of the thing, your pupil be-
comes a good engineer. The takli becomes his Kamadlienu — the
‘Cow of plenty’. There is no limit to the possibilities of knowl-
edge that can be imparted through this medium. It will be limi-
ted only by the energy and conviction with which you work.
You have been here for three weeks. You will have spent them
usefully if it has enabled you to take to this scheme seriously, so
that you will say to yourself, ‘I shall either do or die.’
I am elaborating the instance of spinning because I know it.
If I were a carpenter, I would teach my child all these things
through carpentry, or through cardboard work if I were a worker
in cardboard.
What we need is educationists with originality, fired with true
zeal, who will think out from day to day what they are going to
teach their pupils. The teacher cannot get this knowledge through
musty volumes. He has to use his own faculties of observation
and thinking and impart his knowledge to the children through
his lips, with the help of a craft. This means a revolution
in the method of teaching, a revolution in the teacher’s outlook.
DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES
375
Up till now you have been guided by inspectors’ reports. You
wanted to do what the inspector might like, so that you might get
more money yet for your institutions or higher salaries for your-
selves. But the new teacher will not care for all that. He will
say, ‘I have done my duty by my pupil if I have made him a
better man and in doing so I have used all my resources. That
is enough for me.
(j. In training pupil teachers, would it not be better if they are first
taught a craft separately and then given a sound exposition of the method
of teaching through the medium of that craft? As it is, they are advised
to imagine themselves to be of the age of 7 and relearn everything through
a craft. In this way it will take them years before they can master the new
technique and become competent teachers.
G. No, it would not take them years. Let us imagine that
the teacher when he comes to me has a working knowledge of
mathematics and history and other subjects. I teach him to
make cardboard boxes or to spin. While he is at it I show him
how he could have derived his knowledge of mathematics, history
and geography through the particular craft. He thus learns
how to link his knowledge to the craft. It should not take
him long to do so. Take another instance. Suppose I go with
my boy of 7 to a basic school. We both learn spinning and I
get all my previous knowledge linked with spinning. To the
boy it is all new. For the 70-year-old father it is all repetition
but he will have his old knowledge in a new setting. He should
not take more than a few weeks for the process. Thus, unless
the teacher develops the receptivity and eagerness of the child of
7, he will end up by becoming a mere mechanical spinner, which
would not fit him for the new method.
C). A boy who has passed his matriculation can go to college if he
wishes to. Will a child who has gone through the basic education syllabus
too be able to do so ?
G. Between the boy who has passed his matriculation and
the boy who has gone through basic education, the latter will
give a better account of himself because his faculties have been
developed. He would not feel helpless when he goes to college as
matriculates often do.
Seven has been put down as the minimum age for admission of
children to a basic education school. Is it to be a chronological or mental age ?
G. Seven should be the average minimum age, but there
will be some children of a higher and some of a lower age as
376
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
well. There is physical as well as mental age to be considered.
One child at the age of 7 may have attained sufficient physical
development to handle a craft. Another one may not be
able to do so even at 7. One cannot therefore lay down any
hard and fast rules. All the factors have to be taken into
consideration.
Many questions show that many of you are filled with
doubts. This is the wrong way of going about the work. You
should have robust faith. If you have the conviction that I have,
that Wardha education is the thing required to give training
for life to millions of our children, your work will flourish. If
you have not that faith, there is something wrong with those in
charge of your training. They should be able to imbue you with
this faith, whatever else they may or may not give you.
q. The basic education scheme is supposed to be for the villages. Is
there no way out for the city-dwellers ? Are they to go along the old rut ?
G. This is a pertinent question and a good one, but I have
answered it already in the columns of Harijan. Sufficient for the
day is the good thereof. As it is, we have a big enough morsel
to bite. If we can solve the educational problem of seven lakhs
of villages, it will be enough for the present. No doubt educa-
tionists are thinking of the cities too. But if we take up the ques-
tion of the cities along with that of the villages, we will fritter
away our energies.
q. Supposing in a village there were three schools with a different
craft in each, the scope for learning may be wider in one than in the other.
To which school out of these should the child go ?
G. Such overlapping should not occur. For the majority
of our villages are too small to have more than one school. But
a big village may have more. Here the craft taught in both
should be the same. But I should lay down no hard and fast
rule. Experience in such matters would be the best guide. The
capacity of various crafts to become popular, their ability to
draw out the faculties of the student, should be studied. The
idea is that whatever craft you choose, it should draw out the
faculties of the child fully and equally. It should be a village
craft and it should be useful.
q. Why should a child waste 7 years on learning a craft when his real
profession is going to be something else, e.g., why should a banker’s son, who
is expected to take to banking later on, learn spinning for 7 years ?
DISCUSSION WITH TEACHER TRAINEES
377
G. The question betrays gross ignorance of the new scheme
of education. The boy under the scheme of basic education does
not go to school merely to learn a craft. He goes there to
receive his primary education, to train his mind through the craft.
I claim that the boy who has gone through the new course of
primary education for seven years, will make a better banker
than the one who has gone through the seven years of ordinary
schooling. The latter when he goes to a banking school will be
ill at ease because all his faculties will not have been trained. Prej-
udices die hard. I will have done a good day’s work if I have
made you realize this one central fact that the new education
scheme is not a little of literary education and a little of craft.
It is full education up to the primary stage through the medium
of a craft.
q. Would it not be better to teach more than one craft in every
school? The children might begin to feel bored of doing the same thing
from month to month and year to year.
G. If I find a teacher who becomes dull to his students
after a month’s spinning, I should dismiss him. There will be
newness in every lesson such as there can be new music on the
same instrument. By changing over from one craft to another a
child tends to become like a monkey jumping from branch to branch
with abode nowhere. But I have shown already in the course of
our discussion that teaching spinning in a scientific spirit involves
learning many things besides spinning. The child will be taught
to make his own takli and his own winder soon. Therefore, to
go back to what I began with, if the teacher takes up the craft
in a scientific spirit, he will speak to his pupils through many
channels, all of which will contribute to the development of all
his faculties.
Segaon, February 9, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939 and 4-3-1939
416. TELEGRAM TO MAHADEV DESAP
Wardha,
[February 4, 1939Y
Mahadev Desai
Birla House
New Delhi
THOUGH DO NOT LIKE YOUR SUGGESTION NOT KNOWING
FULLY AM ADVISING JAMNALAL FOLLOW YOUR INSTRUC-
TIONS. HEALTH GOOD.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 212
417. TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
[February 4, 1939Y
Jamnalal
Care Lakinsure
Agra
YOUR WIRE. mahadev HAS WIRED YOU CERTAIN
SUGGESTIONS. CARRY THEM OUT. HEALTH GOOD. BA
MANIBEHN detained STATE GUESTS.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 404
^ The addressee in his telegram of February 4 from New Delhi had
said “Inasmuch as police officer in charge Jamnalalji verbally requested him
give authorities time reconsider may I ask Jamnalalji address letter to authori-
ties mentioning police officer’s request absurdity of communique and giving
them time until eighth ? Am sending him draft suitable letter. If you agree
advise him send letter.”
^ Vide the following item.
^ As given in the source
378
418. LETTER TO INDIRA NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 4, 1939
CHI. INDU,
How can you think of me now? I was happy to learn that
Almora had benefited you. I pray to God that you may soon
be well.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: C.W. 9801. Courtesy: Nehru Memo-
rial Museum and Library
419. LETTER TO GENERAL SHINDE
Segaon,
Eebruary 4, 1939
DEAR GENERAL SHINDE,
Many thanks for your letter and enclosures.*
I see nothing objectionable in the excerpts you have sent
me.
As to the printed circular, if what is stated therein is true it
is evidence of a tragic situation. It is up to the wise heads in
Baroda to find out the truth.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Vide “Letter to General Shinde”, p. 343.
379
420. LETTER TO SHARDA C. SHAH
Eebruary 4, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
If you cannot stay away, you can stay here even after your
marriage. I made haste because you wished it. There is nothing
certain about me. I am moreover weak of health. Therefore, I
thought it better to pay off this debt with my own hands. You
can return after staying for only a few days at your husband’s
place. You may, of course, come if you are in bad health. You
can do as you like. I do wish you to join the work at Bardoli.
Where is the cloth ? But would it not be better if you took
a new piece out of what I keep for my wear for a petticoat or
upper garment where white will pass ? What about the charkha ?
All the books will be available. I have already prepared the
maxims. Staying away, you will serve me by doing my work.
Reply to yesterday’s letter could not be covered in the letter
to Sardar. I advise you to convey your views in this matter
to Sardar.
Ask me again about religious reading.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10003. Courtesy; Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
421. ROMAN SCRIPT v. DEV AN AG ART
I understand that some of the tribes in Assam are being taught
to read and write through the Roman script instead of Devanagari.
I have already expressed my opinion that the only script
that is ever likely to be universal in India is Devanagari, either
reformed or as it is. Urdu or Persian will go hand in hand
unless Muslims, of their own free will, acknowledge the superi-
ority of Devanagari from a purely scientific and national stand-
point. But this is irrelevant to the present problem. The Roman
cannot go hand in hand with the other two scripts. Protagonists
of the Roman script would displace both. But sentiment and
* This appeared under “Notes”.
380
NO APOLOGY
381
science alike are against the Roman script. Its sole merit is its
convenience for printing and typing purposes. But that is no-
thing compared to the strain its learning would put upon mil-
lions. It can be of no help to the millions who have to read their
own literature either in their own provincial scripts or in Deva-
nagari. Devanagari is easier for the millions of Hindus and even
Muslims to learn, because the provincial scripts are mostly deriv-
ed from Devanagari. I have included Muslims advisedly. The
mother tongue of Bengali Muslims, for instance, is Bengali as is
Tamil of Tamil Muslims. The present movement for the propaga-
tion of Urdu will, as it should, result in Muslims all over
India learning Urdu in addition to their mother tongue. They
must, in any case, know Arabic for the purpose of learning the
Holy Koran. But the millions whether Hindus or Muslims will
never need the Roman script except when they wish to learn
English. Similarly, Hindus who want to read their scriptures in
the original have to and do learn the Devanagari script. The
movement for universalizing the Devanagari script has thus a
sound basis. The introduction of the Roman script is a super-
imposition which can never become popular. And all superimposi-
tions will be swept out of existence when the true mass awaken-
ing comes, as it is coming, much sooner than anyone of us can
expect from known causes. Yet the awakening of millions does
take time. It cannot be manufactured. It comes or seems to
come mysteriously. National workers can merely hasten the pro-
cess by anticipating the mass mind.
Segaon, February 5, 1939
Harijan, 11-2-1939
422. NO APOLOGY
I have two letters from Jewish friends protesting against a
remark of mine in a dialogue reported in Harijan over the Jewish
question. Here is one of the letters:
My attention has been called to a paragraph^ in Harijan of Decem-
ber 24th, 1938, in which you are reported to have said that “The
Jews called down upon the Germans the curses of mankind, and
they wanted America and England to fight Germany on their behalf.”
I can hardly doubt that you have been misreported, for there is no-
thing that could possibly justify such a statement. But as the paragraph
> Vide pp. 202-3.
382
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
much distressed me, I should be glad to receive from you a word of
reassurance.
I am sorry to say that I cannot give the reassurance requir-
ed. For I did make the remark put into my mouth by Shri
Pyarelal. Hardly a paper comes to me from the West which
does not describe the agony of the Jews who demand retribution
by the democratic Powers for German atrocities. Nor do I see
anything wrong in the attitude. The Jews are not angels. My
point was they were not non-violent in the sense meant by me.
Their non-violence had and has no love in it. It is passive.
They do not resist because they know that they cannot resist
with any degree of success. In their place, unless there were
active non-violence in me, I should certainly call down upon my
persecutors the curses of Heaven. It is not contended by my
correspondents that the German Jews do not want the big
Powers like England, America and France to prevent the
atrocities, if need be, even by war against Germany. I happen
to have a Jewish friend living with me. He has an intellectual
belief in non-violence. But he says he cannot pray for Hitler.
He is so full of anger over the German atrocities that he cannot
speak of them with restraint. I do not quarrel with him over his
anger. He wants to be non-violent, but the sufferings of fellow-
Jews are too much for him to bear. What is true of him is true
of thousands of Jews who have no thought even of ‘loving
the enemy’. With them as with millions ‘revenge is sweet, to
forgive is divine.’
Segaon, February 5, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
423. LETTER TO SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE
Segaon,
Eebruary 5, 1939
MY DEAR SUBHAS,
I hope you had my personal letter as also yesterday’s.'
I had a wire from Maulana Saheb suggesting his and others’
withdrawal from Working Committee.^ I replied saying it might
be embarrassing to you. Now comes a letter from Rajen Babu
' These letters are not available.
^ For the resignation letter of members of the Working Committee, vide
Appendix III.
LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
383
making the same suggestion supporting it by the argument that
you would be helped if you had the resignations in your hands
now so that you could choose a temporary cabinet to help you to
frame your future programme. Rajen Baku’s argument commends
itself to me. So far as I can judge the old colleagues whom you
consider as rightists will not serve on your cabinet. You can
have their resignations now, if that would be more convenient
for you. Their presence would be unfair to you and to them.
You should be left free to frame your own programme
and expect the rightists (I wish you would choose better and
indigenous terms to designate the parties of your imagination) to
support where they can and abstain without obstructing where
they cannot see eye to eye with you.
I have just read your statement' in answer to mine^. Though
it demands a reply, I must refrain. I do not want to enter
into a public controversy with you so long as I can avoid it.
This letter you may show to friends, if you find it necessary.
I am sending copies to Maulana Saheb, etc.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
424. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
February 5, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
This copy^ for your information.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
* Vide Appendix IV.
2 Vide pp. 359-60.
2 Vide the preceding item.
425. LETTER TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ
[Eebruarji 5, 1939Y
CHI. JANAKIBEHN,
Nanabhai and Manubhai will be arriving tomorrow. It
would be better to let them come to Segaon. We are not so
crowded here these days. And why should I trouble you unneces-
sarily when Munnalal will be going to receive them? Probably
five more persons will be coming on Tuesday and I want them
too to come to Segaon. If changes are to be made, I shall see.
It is good that Jamnalalji has been arrested.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
The marriage rites will be performed by Nanabhai but Vyasji
may certainly come.
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 3002
426. MOTE TO AMRIT KAUR
[On or after Eebruary 5, 1939Y
Contradictory is wholly inapplicable. I mean that there is
nothing wrong in an ordinary man wanting God to punish the
wrongdoer. Non-violence is a new thing. It would be wrong
for a non-violent man to call down the wrath of God or man.
But a non-violent man must not see anything wrong in a perse-
cuted man retaliating and seeking the assistance of others. You
should try to understand the argument.
From the original: C.W. 4209. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7845
'From the reference to Jamnalalji’s arrest and the weddings of Vijaya
Patel and Sharda Shah which took place on Tuesday, February 7, 1939
^ The note is written on the back of a telegram from Damodar to Bachh-
raj, Wardha, dated 5-2-1939.
384
427. INTERVIEW TO SOUTH AERICAN INDIAN
STUDENTS^
Bardoli,
[Before Eebruary 6, 1939Y
“What should we, South Africa-borns, do to preserve our Indian culture
in our country of adoption?” they asked Gandhiji. “What other languages
would you ask us to learn besides English ?”
Gandhiji answered by first twitting them for giving the first place to
English. He advised them instead to learn Hindustani, which should contain
all words of Sanskritic as well as Persian or Arabic origin, that are used by
the man in the street. The Hindus dared not neglect the study of Sanskrit,
nor the Muslims of Arabic, not only because the study of these languages
was necessary to give them access to their scriptures in the original, but also
because these two tongues contained the grandest poetry that the world has
ever produced. He concluded:
But above all you should jealously retain the essential
simplicity and spirituality which is the hallmark of Indian culture.
Their other question was whether they should carry on the struggle for
their rights in South Africa through satyagraha or through constitutional
agitation.
gandhiji: If the South African Indian community had guts
in them, I would say satyagraha, and they are bound to win. I
am hoping that some day from among Indian youths born in
South Africa a person will arise who will stand up for the rights
of his countrymen domiciled there, and make the vindication of
those rights his life’s mission. He will be so pure, so cultured,
so truthful and so dignified in his bearing that he will disarm
all opposition. The whites will then say, Tf all Indians
were like him, we should have no objection to giving them
an equal status with us.’ But he will answer, ‘It is not enough
that there is one representative of the Indian community whom
you are ready to recognize as your equal. What I am, other
countrymen of mine too can be, if instead of calling them names
and putting them under all sorts of disabilities you give them a
^ ^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “A World in Agony— II”, 6-2-1939.
The students were in India to pursue medical studies and wanted Gandhiji
to help them gain admission in medical college.
385
68-25
386 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
sporting chance in the matter of educational and other facilities
which are today denied them.’ Such a one, when he appears,
will not need to be coached by me. He will assert himself by
his sheer genius.
Harijan, 18-2-1939
428. MAHATMA'S STATUE^
Correspondence has been pouring in upon me protesting
against the Mahatma’s statue said to be in course of construction
on the Congress ground at a cost of Rs. 25,000. I know nothing
of this statue. I have enquired about it. But I must not wait
for confirmation. Assuming that such a statue is in course of
construction, I reinforce the protest of my correspondents and I
agree with them that it will be waste of good money to spend
Rs. 25,000 on erecting a clay or metallic statue of the figure of
a man who is himself made of clay and is more fragile than a
bangle which can keep by preservation for a thousand years,
whereas the human body disintegrates daily and undergoes final
disintegration after the usual span of life. I have learnt from my
Muslim friends, among whom I have passed the best part of my
life, my dislike of statues and photographs of my figure. And I
should like the Reception Committee, if the report is true, to desist
from the unfortunate enterprise. Let them save what money
they can. If it is a mere rumour, let these lines serve as a warn-
ing to those who want to honour me by erecting statues and
having portraits of my figure, that I heartily dislike these exhibi-
tions. I shall deem it ample honour if those who believe in me
will be good enough to promote the activities I stand for and at
least divert the money they would use for statues and portraits
to the work of the Harijan Sevak Sangh, A. I. S. A., A. I. V. I. A.,
or Hindustani Talimi Sangh.
Segaon, February 6, 1939
Harijan, 11-2-1939
’ This was published under the heading “Notes”.
429. WHY KASTURBA GANDHI?^
I had not intended to say anything about my wife having
joined the Rajkot struggle. But some cruel criticism I have
seen about her intervention prompts an explanation. It had
never occurred to me that she should join it. For one thing
she is too old for such hardships as are involved in being in civil
disobedience struggles. But strange as it may appear to critics,
they must believe me when I say that though she is illiterate,
she is and has been for years absolutely free to do what she likes.
When she joined the struggle in South Africa or in India, it was
of her own inner prompting. And so it was this time. When
she heard of Manibehn’s arrest, she could not restrain herself and
asked me to let her go. I said she was too weak. She had just
then fainted in her bathroom in Delhi and might have died but
for Devdas’s presence of mind. She said she did not mind. I
then referred her to Sardar. He would not hear of it either.
But this time he melted. He had seen my grief over the
breach of faith by the Thakore Saheb induced by the Resident.
The reader must realize my ancestral connection with Rajkot
and the intimate personal relations I had with the present Ruler’s
father. Kasturba is a daughter of Rajkot. She felt a personal
call. She could not sit still whilst the other daughters of Rajkot
were suffering for the freedom of the men and women of the
State. Rajkot is no doubt an insignificant place on the map of
India. But it is not insignificant for me and my wife. As a
child she was brought up in Rajkot though born in Porbandar.
And, after all, neither she nor I can be unconcerned in a struggle
which is based on non-violence and in which so many reliable
co-workers are involved.
The success of the struggle in Rajkot will be a stage forward
in the fight for freedom. And when it ends in success, as it must
sooner or later, I hope that Kasturba’ s share will count as a humble
contribution towards it. Satyagraha is a struggle in which the oldest
and the weakest in body may take part, if they have stout hearts.
Segaon, February 6, 1939
Harijan, 11-2-1939
’ This was published under the heading “Notes”.
387
430. WORKING OF NON-VIOLENCE
I have been very much interested in reading the recent numbers
of Harijan and your observations on the European crisis and the
N. W. F. Province. But there is one aspect of the non-violence problem,
which I should have discussed with you at Segaon' if there had been
time, to which you seldom or never refer. You say that non-violent
non-co-operation, as you have developed it, is the answer to the violence
which is now threatening the whole world with ruin. There is no doubt
as to the immense effect such spirit and action could produce. But must
not the non-violent spirit of selfless love for all, enemies and friends
alike, express itself, if it is to succeed, in a liberal, democratic and
constitutional form of government? Society cannot exist without law and
government. International peace cannot exist unless the nations accept
a system of constitutional government which will give them unity and
law and end anarchy among them. No doubt some day the law of God
will be so “written on the hearts and minds” of men that they become
individually the expression of it, and will need no human law or govern-
ment. But that is the end. The beginning of progress towards that
heavenly goal must take the form at first of a willingness among races,
religions and nations to unite under a single constitution, through which
their unity and membership one of another is established, the laws under
which they live are promulgated after public discussion and by some
form of majority decision and are enforced, where it is not voluntarily
obeyed, not by war but by police force, where persuasion and example
have not sufficed. As between sovereign nations the operation of a
constructive non-violence spirit must lead to some form of federation. It
cannot succeed until it has done so. The proof that it exists effectively
will be the appearance of a federal system. Thus the only real solution
for the European problem is the federation of its 25 peoples and
nations under a single democratic constitution which will create a govern-
ment which can look at and legislate for the problems of Europe, not
as a set of rival and conflicting nations but as a single whole with
autonomous parts. In the same way the only solution to the Indian
problem is the substitution of a democratic constitution for the control of
Great Britain. And what is true for Europe and India is true, in the
long run, for the whole world and is the only final method of ending war.
* Lord Lothian was at Segaon from January 18 to 20, 1938; vide Vol.
LXVI, p. 343.
388
WORKING OF NON-VIOLENCE
389
Non-violent non-co-operation may be the best, perhaps the only,
method of bringing about the change of mind and heart which will make
acceptance of a federal democratic constitution by the nation possible.
But attainment to democratic federation is the necessary attainment where-
by its success is assured and without which it cannot succeed. It is
always a matter of interest and indeed of surprise to me that you appear
to think that non-violent non-co-operation is enough in itself, and that
you never proclaim that a democratic system of government unifying men,
races, religions and nations is the goal to which it must lead, though
that attainment is only possible as the result of a spiritual change of
heart and cannot be reached by force or violence or chicanery.
I do not write this as a kind of indirect argument for the Indian
constitution, though it obviously has a bearing on that problem also.
The Government of India Act is clearly a very imperfect application of
the principle of democratic federation and must necessarily evolve rap-
idly if it is to work. The main argument I have always urged for
it is that in present conditions it represents the only constitutional
compromise uniting Provinces, States, Muslims and Hindus which can
be made to work and that it has far more seeds of evolution within
it than is generally recognized. If your spiritual gospel informed the
people, it would rapidly and easily evolve. My object is not to elicit
any opinion from you about the constitutional problem but an answer
to the larger question set forth in the early part of the letter.
Thus writes Lord Lothian. The letter was received early in
January, but urgent matters prevented my dealing earlier with
the important question raised in it.
I have purposely refrained from dealing with the nature of
government in a society based deliberately on non-violence. All
society is held together by non-violence, even as the earth is held
in her position by gravitation. But when the law of gravitation
was discovered the discovery yielded results of which our an-
cestors had no knowledge. Even so when society is deliberately
constructed in accordance with the law of non-violence, its struc-
ture will be different in material particulars from what it is today.
But I cannot say in advance what the government based wholly
on non-violence will be like.
What is happening today is disregard of the law of non-
violence and enthronement of violence as if it were an eternal law.
The democracies, therefore, that we see at work in England,
America and France are only so called, because they are no less
based on violence than Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy or even
Soviet Russia. The only difference is that the violence of
the last three is much better organized than that of the three
390 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
democratic powers. Nevertheless we see today a mad race for
outdoing one another in the matter of armaments. And if when
the clash comes, as it is bound to come one day, the demo-
cracies win, they will do so only because they will have the back-
ing of their peoples who imagine that they have a voice in their
own government whereas in the other three cases the peoples
might rebel against their own dictatorships.
Holding the view that without the recognition of non-violence
on a national scale there is no such thing as a constitutional
or democratic government, I devote my energy to the propaga-
tion of non-violence as the law of our life — individual, social,
political, national and international. I fancy that I have seen
the light, though dimly. I write cautiously, for I do not pro-
fess to know the whole of the Law. If I know the successes
of my experiments, I know also my failures. But the successes
are enough to fill me with undying hope.
I have often said that if one takes care of the means, the
end will take care of itself. Non-violence is the means, the end
for every nation is complete independence. There will be an
international League only when all the nations, big or small,
composing it are fully independent. The nature of that indepen-
dence will correspond to the extent of non-violence assimilated
by the nations concerned. One thing is certain. In a society
based on non-violence, the smallest nation will feel as tall as the
tallest. The idea of superiority and inferiority will be wholly
obliterated.
It follows from this that the Government of India Act is
merely a makeshift and has to give way to an Act coined by
the nation itself. So far as Provincial Autonomy is concerned, it
has been found possible to handle it somewhat. My own experi-
ence of its working is by no means happy. The Congress Gov-
ernments have not that non-violent hold over the people that I
had expected they would have.
But the Federal structure is inconceivable to me because it
contemplates a partnership, however loose, among dissimilars.
How dissimilar the States are is being demonstrated in an ugli-
ness for which I was unprepared. Therefore the Federal structure,
as conceived by the Government of India Act, I hold to be an
utter impossibility.
Thus the conclusion is irresistible that for one like me, wed-
ded to non-violence, constitutional or democratic government is a
distant dream so long as non-violence is not recognized as a
living force, an inviolable creed, not a mere policy. While I
LETTER TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ
391
prate about universal non-violence, my experiment is confined to
India. If it succeeds the world will accept it without effort.
There is, however, a big but. The pause does not worry me.
My faith is brightest in the midst of impenetrable darkness.
Segaon, February 6, 1939
Harijan, 11-2-1939
431. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 6, 1939
BA,
Herewith are letters from Akola. I hope you are well. The
marriages of both the girls' will take place tomorrow. We all
feel your absence. I have to do the giving away and that too
in your absence.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 31
432. LETTER TO JANAKIDEVI BAJAJ
February 7, 1939
CHI. janakibehn.
You must not worry. Those who worry are not warriors.
There is no point in going to Jaipur. Therefore, you have to
stay here and do your duty. Let it be as God wills.
I am keeping the telephonic message with me.^ I wish to
make some statement. I am not detaining the car.
Why do you want to come here in your present condition?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 3000
' On February 7, Vijaya Patel was married to Manubhai Pancholi and
Sharda Shah to Gordhandas Chokbawala.
^ Vide “Statement to the Press”, pp. 396-7.
433. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebmary 7, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I have your letter. What is happening in Limdi is terrible,
but it does not surprise us. More, and worse, will happen.
That will test the people. Our path is straight. I intend to
write about this. Since I arrange my work with due care for
my health, I am not able to attend to everything as I would
wish to. I very much like what Subhas Babu is doing. We
have had a narrow escape. See about Rajendra Babu.
I am ready for a meeting whenever you desire it.
I have received a letter from Mani, which is enclosed. I
am writing this after performing the marriages of both the girls.
The simplicity was absolute. Nobody was invited. The village
Harijans and others were present. I was very much pleased.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, pp. 232-3
434. TELEGRAM TO CHANDRABHAL JOHRI i
[On or after Eebmary 7, 1939^
JAMNALALJI IS SAFE WHEREVER HE IS.^ TRYING ISSUE
STATEMENT. KEEP ME INFORMED.
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 213
* This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram of February 6, 1939,
received on February 7, expressing his anxiety about Jamnalal’s whereabouts
after the latter’s arrest on February 5, 1939.
^Jamnalal had been taken to Bharatpur State and released there on
February 7.
392
435. TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD
[On or after February 7, 1939Y
R[ajendra Prasad]
Sadaq^at Ashram
Patna
HAVE NOT CONVENED CONFERENCE. NO SUCH SUGGESTION
BEFORE ME. DO YOU WANT CONFERENCE?
From a copy: Jamnalal Bajaj Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library
436. LETTER TO SHARD ABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
[After February 7, 1939^
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your two letters. If you write ‘Private’, etc., at the
top, no one will read your letters. I will tear them up after
reading.
Do not get frightened. Obtain permission and come away
to me immediately. We shall talk about everything at length.
Your experience is no unusual story.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
You may use the accompanying letter^ if you wish.
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 10021. Courtesy: Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala
^ This along with the preceding item was drafted on the reverse of the
telegram from Chandrabhal Johri; vide the preceding item.
2 This was obviously written some time after the addressee’s marriage,
which took place on February 7.
^ Vide the following item.
393
437. LETTER TO GORDHANDAS CHOKHAWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
[After Eebruary 7, 1939Y
CHI. GORDHANDAS,
If Sharda feels ill at ease there, send her away here to me
for some days. She has never been away from home and so it
is likely that she may feel a stranger there.
Blessings from
Bapu
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 10084. Courtesy: Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala
438. TELEGRAM TO THE LIMDI PRAJA MAJVDAL
[Before February 8, 1939Y
IN THE HAPPENINGS IF THE PEOPLE REMAIN NON-
VIOLENT AND BRAVE SUFFERING TORTURES LOSS OF
PROPERTY LIMBS AND LIFE, VICTORY IS THEIRS. KEEP ME
INFORMED.
The Hindustan Times, 10-2-1939
439. TELEGRAM TO JETHANAND
Wardha,
February 8, 1939
Raibahadur Jethanand
Deraismailkhan
DEEPLY REGRET RIOTS. AM HELPLESS THOUGH WIRING^
PREMIER. HAVE MAHOMEDANS BEEN KILLED AS REPORTED
PAPERS.
Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
* Vide the preceding item.
2 The news report carrying this item is dated February 8.
^ Vide the following item.
394
440. TELEGRAM TO DR. KHAN SAHEB
Wardha,
Eebruary 8, 1939
Dr. Khan SAHEB
Peshawar
ARE YOU DOING ANYTHING EFFECTIVE ABOUT DERA RIOTS.
Bapu
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
441. LETTER TO MOTILAL ROT
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 8, 1939
DEAR MOTI BABU,
Better to send instalment directly to A. I. S. A.
The convocation address not yet received.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: G.N. 11053
442. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
Eebruary 8, 1939
BA,
You are being put to a severe test. You must let me know
about the difficulties you face. You are born to suffer and
hence your discomforts cause me no surprise. I have sent a tele-
gram to the Government. I do not wish to publish anything
about your difficulties in the Press. God is certainly even there
by your side. He will do as He wills.
Kanam is well. He remembers you at night. Do not worry
in the least. Amtul Salaam is here. She takes care of Kanam.
Chi. Mani, how nice that you are there!
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 31
395
443. LETTER TO KRISHNACHAMDRA
February 8, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
You should not expect a long letter from me. Only he is
a brahmachari who can remain unmoved even while conducting a
wedding. One who feels disturbed watching a wedding need
not do so. I did not invite anyone.
You should salute A. B. from a distance and forget the rest.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4310; also S.G. 73
444. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Wardha,
February 8, 1939
The following telephone report^ has been received about
Seth Jamnalalji who, when he was arrested a second time, was
accompanied by his son, his secretary and a servant:
Seth Jamnalalji was detained at Ajmer Road station,
50 miles from Jaipur, and kept in the dak bungalow there.
Mr. Young went to Sethji in person and asked him to enter
his car. Sethji declined saying, “You wish to put me out-
side the border of Jaipur State. I wish to enter Jaipur. I
will not accompany you.” Mr. Young thereupon said, “We
are taking you to Jaipur. Come with us.” Sethji replied,
“I cannot rely on your word.” Mr. Young then said, “I
have orders. You will have to come with me.” Sethji
asked to be shown the order, but it appears that there was
no order in Mr. Young’s possession. At length, Mr. Young
' The statement was also published in The Hindu and The Bombay Chronicle
of February 9 and in a slightly modified form in Harijan of February 1 1 under
the heading “Barbarous Behaviour”. It turned out, however, that the report
used by Gandhiji in the statement was not wholly accurate; vide “Statement to
the Press”, pp. 410-1.
2 The report was in Hindi, which Gandhiji translated; vide “Statement to
the Press”, pp. 410-1.
396
TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
397
again told Sethji that he would be taken to Jaipur. “If
we do not take you there, you can have it printed in the
newspapers that after promising to take you to Jaipur, we
took you elsewhere.” Sethji was not inclined to believe any-
thing that was said to him. He said, “I will not accompany
you willingly. You can take me by force, if you so desire.”
This conversation took nearly an hour. In the end, five
men forcibly put Sethji in a car and took him away. In
this process of using force, Sethji was injured on his left cheek
below the eye. He was taken to Alwar State. Sethji here
said, “You cannot act like this. You are not at liberty to
deposit me in another State. If you do so I will run a case
against you.” On this Mr. Young brought Sethji back again
into Jaipur State. But we do not know his present where-
abouts.
The only remark I have to offer is that this is barbarous
behaviour. The sacredness of person, legal procedure and liberty
are thrown to the winds. That a British Inspector-General of
Police should resort to deception and then to personal injury to
one who was his prisoner is what I call organized goondaism.
But I know that nothing will break Jamnalalji’s spirit. He will
enter Jaipur either as a free man or prisoner.
The Hindustan Times, 9-2-1939
445. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
Wardhaganj,
Eebruary 9, 1939
Ghanshyamdas Birla
Lucky
Calcutta
I THINK BEST LEAVE JAMNALALJI DO ACCORDING HIS
INSTINCT. I DO NOT APPRECIATE SENDING NOTICE. LET
HIM SUFFER IF HE MUST.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 7804. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
446. TELEGRAM TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Wardhaganj,
Eebruary 9, 1939
Jawaharlal Nehru
Anand Bhawan
Allahabad
ALL THINGS CONSIDERED I THINK IT WOULD BE WISE
POSTPONE LUDHIANA CONFERENCE TILL AFTER CONGRESS.
PRINCIPAL WORk[er]s ENGAGED IN STRUGGLE GOING ON
VARIOUS STATES.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
447. LETTER TO N. R. MALKANI
Sevagram, Wardha,
Eebruary 9, 1939
MY dear MALKANI,
I understand your letter.’ It satisfies me. I shall send you
Rs. 200 as soon as Kishorelal returns. You will operate on
Rs. 300 cheque.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 932
448. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 9, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I have your letter. I understand your analysis. Subhas wired
saying he wants to come to Wardha. Let us see what happens.
’ Vide also letters to the addressee, pp. 310 and 315.
398
LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
399
Of course I shall take no hasty decision. I am glad Sarup' is
coming soon. I am hoping that the quiet of Segaon will suit her.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
449. LETTER TO HAREKRUSHNA MAHTAB
Segaon, Wardha,
February 9, 1939
MY DEAR MAHTAB,
Your letter. You can come on 16th inst.^
Tours,
Bapu
From the original: H. K. Mahtab Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library
450. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
February 9, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
Marriage is a sacrament. It should, therefore, lead not to
indulgence but to restraint. We have four stages of life. Grihasth-
ashrama^ is the second stage. In family life enjoyment has no
place but service has an important place. Service and beget-
ting of progeny cannot go hand in hand. Progeny, however, has
a place in married life. If there is an intense desire for progeny
sexual union is permitted. This union should result from deli-
beration, not passion. If this principle is accepted, husband and
wife should not share the same bed. There should be no love-
play. Nothing should be done which would turn their minds to
the sexual act. In these days it is a difficult dharma. May God
grant you both the strength to perform it.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10004. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
^ Vijayalakshmi Pandit
2 The addressee had wanted to meet Gandhiji to discuss the affairs of
the Princely States in Orissa.
^ Householder’s state
451. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
Eebruary 9, 1939
BA,
I have your letter. I do not like your being constantly ill.
But be brave now. You will get the facilities. But what does it
matter even if you don’t? Mani should read aloud the Ramayana,
even if she cannot sing well. What are our troubles as com-
pared to those of Rama and Sita ? For the time being I have given
up taking help from the girls. Do not feel uneasy. Do not
worry. I shall see what to do. Sushila of course continues to
look after me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, pp. 31-2
452. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Wardha,
Eebruary 9, 1939
Critics of my recent writings on Rajkot and Jaipur have accus-
ed me of being guilty of untruth and violence. I owe them
an answer. Such accusations have been made against me before
now, indeed since my entry into public life. I am happy to be
able to say that most of my critics have later been obliged to
acknowledge that I had not been guilty of either untruthful or
violent language and that my statements were based on my belief
in them and made without malice.
Even so is the case in the present instance. I am fully
aware of my responsibility. I know that many of my country-
men put implicit faith in my statements. I have been asked for
proofs in support of my statements. I have given them.
* This was also published in The Bombay Chronicle and The Hindu of
February 10 and in Harijan of February 18 under the heading “Not Guilty”.
400
STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
401
Sardar Patel has reproduced in his statement' on Rajkot the
remarks of the Resident reported to have been made by him about
the Congress and himself. The memorandum of the conversa-
tion between the Resident, the Thakore Saheb and councillors,
including Sir Patrick Cadell, is in my possession. It is too long
to be published, but it will be, if occasion requires it.
As for organized goondaism, the facts have been published.^
I connect the Resident with it, because he has sent the Agency
police to the State and must be held responsible for the acts of
his agents.
Similarly, the British Prime Minister is responsible for every-
thing that is happening in Jaipur. The making of Seth Jamna-
lalji a football to be kicked out of Jaipur every time he dares to
exercise the right of entering his birth-place is surely worse than
unseemly.
I am not guilty of violence of language when I correctly
characterize action. I would be guilty of violence if I harboured
any ill-feeling against the Kathiawar Resident or the Jaipur
Prime Minister. For ought I know, they may be most estimable
men to meet, but their being estimable does not help the people
of Rajkot or Jaipur. As a votary of truth and ahimsa, my busi-
ness is to state the naked truth without fear but without ill will
against the wrongdoers. My non-violence does not require any
gilding of a bitter pill. I must, therefore, plead not guilty to the
charge of racial animosity.
1 cannot succeed in weaning people from the path of violence
by hiding or dressing the naked truth; I hope to wean them by
telling them and, what is more, showing by my conduct that it is
not only right but profitable to wish well to the wrongdoer in
spite of his wrongs, however grievous these may be.
Protection of the Princes is a duty the Paramount Power
owes to them, but surely it is equally its duty to protect the people
living in their jurisdiction. It seems to me that it is also their
duty to withhold support from Princes when it is proved that a
ruler is guilty of breach of faith with his people as in Rajkot or
when it is proved that his people are denied ordinary civil liberty
and one of his citizens is driven from pillar to post and practically
denied access to courts of justice as in the case of Jaipur.
The more I think of what is happening in the States in
India, I see nothing but a dark future for this unhappy land,
* Vide Appendix I.
2 Vide p. 366.
68-26
402
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
if the Paramount Power remains a helpless witness to the tragedy
that is being enacted in the Princes’ India. For what is hap-
pening in Rajkot and Jaipur is but a sample of what is going to
happen presently in the other States. The Maharaja of Bikaner
was right when he advised concerted action among the Princes.'
Only His Highness gave the wrong lead.
The doctrine of kicks and kisses will lead the Princes no-
where. It has sown bitterness and strife. The people of States
may not be able to take concerted action as the Princes can, but
the latter will not be able to treat the people from States other
than their own or those from British India as foreigners. There
is sufficient awakening among the people of the States to with-
stand the pressure even from a concert among the Princes.
The Hindustan Times, 10-2-1939
453. TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
[On or after Eebruary 9, 1939]^
Jamnalalji
Sainik, Agra
YOUR TELEGRAM. SEND DEFINITE CORRECTIONS MY
VERSION. WILL THEN PUBLISH REVISION. QUITE CLEAR
YOU SHOULD CROSS BORDER IF POSSIBLE ON FOOT
WITH SMALL PARTY WITHOUT GIVING NOTICE. JANAKIDEVI
MUST NOT LEAVE WARDHA. SHE IS UNFIT PHYSICALLY
AND KAMALA’s APPROACHING DELIVERY MAKES IT
DANGEROUS FOR HER LEAVE WARDHA. IF SHE WENT
SHE MUST THROW HERSELF INTO STRUGGLE AND CAN
NEVER COME BACK BEFORE STRUGGLE OVER. AM CON-
VINCED TIME HAS NOT ARRIVED FOR HER TO DO
SO. EVEN IF SHE WAS WELL AND OTHERWISE FREE
TO LEAVE WARDHA I SHOULD DISCOUNTENANCE HER
LEAVING BUT WOULD RESERVE HER FUTURE WHEN
STRUGGLE IN FULL SWING.
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 214
* Vide “Kicks and Kisses’’, pp. 354-7.
^ This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram of February 9, for the
text of which, vide “Statement to the Press”, pp. 410-1.
454. LETTER TO E. MART BARR
Segaon,
Eebruary 11, 1939
CHI. MARY,
You are considerate always. But if you had come you would
have caused me no worry. Yes, you will stay with me if I go
to the Congress.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 6075. Also C.W. 3405. Courtesy: F. Mary Barr
455. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 11, 1939
I have your wire and letter. I understand your position
about the conference and the W. C. I cannot think of causes
without the persons who handle them. I wrote about postpone-
ment on the strength of what I had heard from Balwantrai
Mehta. He is engrossed in the Kathiawar struggle. Achintram
could not do without him. So I wired to you. I know nothing
about the situation in Ludhiana.
I am sorry about Sarup. I was looking forward to her
passing a few days with me.
Love.
Bapu
Gandhi— Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
403
456. LETTER TO L. M. PATH
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 11, 1939
DEAR PATIL,
I have your letter. Where the Directors are Indians having
an effective voice in the management of the concern and the
concern itself is wholly in the interests of India I would call it
swadeshi even though the whole of the capital may be foreign.
Thus if I had full control of, say, a hand-spinning concern but
I employed skilled white men under me and employed also Europ-
ean capital with or without interest I would claim that concern
to be wholly swadeshi.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
457. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 11, 1939
MY DEAR C. R.,
I would have you to continue what you are doing about
employment in spite of adverse comment. We do not need to
copy anybody.
Who is this lady at the back of the anti-Hindi propaganda?
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 2073
404
458. LETTER TO KANTILAL GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 11, 1939
CHI. KANTI,
I may be said to be quite ill. Prabha will write. If I
cannot show Saraswati’s letter to Ramachandran it will be diffi-
cult to send for her here. How can we help one who hides her
misery? I have, however, written to Ramachandran to send Sara-
swati here. But to send for her is one thing and to do so in order
to save her from abuses and beatings is another. So you should
give me full freedom. You should not lose your peace of mind.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 7358. Courtesy: Kantilal Gandhi
459. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
Eebruary 11, 1939
BA,
I read about your transfer in the newspapers. Stay free of care
wherever you are placed. Do not worry. God is certainly with
you wherever you go. The doctors have come to examine me.
They advise rest. I do take rest. A letter has gone to you from
here every day.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 32
405
460. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 11, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I got the papers sent by you.
I cannot believe the report about Mani having been separat-
ed from Ba.
If the meeting of the Working Committee on the 22nd is
arranged here, what about Bardoli? Jamnalal writes to say that
the meeting on the 22nd will be held here. Why not stay here
for the present?
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Forward the enclosed.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro~2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 233
461. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
Eebruary 11, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
So long as you have not acquired equimindedness it is best
to observe the restraint I have suggested. But it does not at all
mean that you are not to render even the necessary services to
her or speak to her when the occasion demands it.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4311; also S.G. 74
406
462. HYDERABAD
Hyderabad State Congress people are getting restive. As they
have been acting under my advice some of them came to me
and said, “We have suspended civil disobedience at your and
other leaders’ instance. You had held out the hope that, if
we suspended civil disobedience, most probably the prisoners
would be released and the State Congress recognized. Neither
the one nor the other has happened. How long are we to re-
main out and vegetate while our co-workers are rotting in the
State jails where life is none too easy? What will you have us
do?”
As these friends have to deal with a large number of col-
leagues I had better give a summary of my answer to them. I
said:
I sympathize with you. In your place I should feel like you.
But satyagraha is not a simple affair. It is a way of life. It
requires discipline. It demands infinite patience and capacity for
uttermost suffering. Civil disobedience, which is but a phase of
satyagraha, has to be suspended even though colleagues may
have to suffer imprisonment, hardships attendant upon jail life,
and even worse. And they have to do all this with good grace,
joyfully and without malice towards those who are responsible for
subjecting them to such suffering. Remember, too, that a true
satyagrahi, being outside, goes through greater mental suffering
than the one who has gone behind prison bars. The latter has
done his task for the time being. His mind is free. He fulfils
his immediate mission if he behaves like a model prisoner and
cheerfully submits to the sufferings he might have to go through.
Whereas the former has to bear the brunt of managing the strug-
gle, thinking out plans, and responding to the programme as it
may be given from day to day.
I have to ask you to prolong your suspension if only for the
simple and decisive reason that two bodies are offering civil
disobedience for purposes wholly different from yours, however
worthy their purpose may be. The Arya Samaj civil disobed-
ience is purely religious in the sense that it is being offered for
the vindication of the exercise of their religion. The Hindu
Mahasabha is, I suppose, supporting the Arya Samaj. And,
407
408
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
therefore, the struggle has assumed a communal colour. If you
resume civil disobedience, it will be very difficult for you to retain
your nationalistic character. You will expose yourselves to need-
less suspicion. Your methods too may not be identical with
theirs. You will create an embarrassing situation without advanc-
ing your cause.
Thus the situation demands delicate handling. It is my convic-
tion that your restraint will largely disarm suspicion, and to
that extent you will be making a definite advance towards
your goal. Meanwhile I can give you the assurance that what-
ever friendly offices can do is being and will continue to be
done. Having heard my argument, you will act as may seem
best to you. You must reject my advice if it does not appeal
to your head and heart. If you accept it, remember that every
member will be expected to devote himself whole-heartedly to
the constructive programme as I have explained it to you.
Segaon, February 12, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
463. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
Segaon, Wardha, C. P.,
Eebrmry 12, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
I duly received your letter of the 5th inst. redirected from
Bardoli.
1 am grateful for the pains you have taken to explain your
position so fully, frankly and fairly. After much consideration I
felt that it was a duty to publish the article returned by you.
Even if Shri Chudgar has been guilty, consciously or uncon-
sciously, of having misreported' Sir Beauchamp St. John, the truth
could only be ascertained by publication of the correspondence.
As I have the moral conviction about the accuracy of Shri Chud-
gar’s report I felt that it would be wrong to withhold it from
the public. I note in passing that although I asked the Prime
Minister of Jaipur, if he denied Shri Chudgar’s version, to give
me his own, he would not do so.^ But the question of wisdom
’ Vide “Jaipur”, pp. 350-2.
2 Vide pp. 314 and 335.
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
409
or otherwise of publishing the correspondence pales into insigni-
ficance in the presence of the tragedy that is going on in Jaipur,
Rajkot and Orissa.
In spite of your letter suggesting the possibility of it being
erroneous, what is happening in these places has deepened the
belief expressed by me in my letter to you of the 26th ult.
If you think that by a meeting you could clear my mind
of the disquiet and show me that my belief is erroneous, I would
be glad to run up to Delhi even though medical friends have
enjoined complete rest for some time if I am not to collapse
altogether. But I would gladly risk my health if I can be shown
my error or if I could convince you that delay in action on your
part is dangerous.
Tours sincerely.
From a copy: C.W. 10388. Courtesy: Pyarelal
464. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 12, 1939
BA,
I have your letter. You are kept informed of all the news.
Stop worrying. I learn that you have duly received the enema
can. What medicine would you want sent from here ? The doc-
tor now visits you there. If you feel the need you may take the
medicine he prescribes. I will of course continue to write to you
every day. Be brave.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 32
465. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 12, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
What happened about the article that Chudgar was to write
for me? I want it soon. I have received a long letter from the
Viceroy. I will send you a copy of the reply* I have sent.
Send me a copy of the Princes Protection Act referred to in
the accompanying notification.
Mani was first removed and then again brought back to
Ba. What is all this? I don’t understand at all. Who is the
doctor, and the nurse?
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 234
466. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Wardha,
February 12, 1939
On reading my Press statement regarding his second expul-
sion from Jaipur State, Seth Jamnalalji telegraphed to me as
follows:
On the 9th instant I saw that your statement on my version
regarding Mr. Young was incorrect owing to confusion in the telephonic
message. The correct version appeared in The Hindustan Times of the
8th and 9th. ^ I hope you will do the needful.
1 had not then seen The Hindustan Times referred to by
Sethji. I have now seen both issues and I find that I have
’ Vide pp. 408-9.
2 Published in Harijan, 18-2-1939, under the title “My Apology”; this
also appeared in The Bombay Chronicle, 13-2-1939, and other newspapers.
^ It also appeared in The Tribune, 8-2-1939, in the form of a statement
by Damodar Das and showed that Young had never given any assurance to
Jamnalal Bajaj that he would not be taken outside Jaipur State.
410
UNTRUTH IN NEWSPAPERS
411
unconsciously done injustice to Mr. Young, whom, in my Press
statement, I accused of having practised deception upon Sethji.
I made the accusation on the strength of the telephone message
received by his son in Wardha, of which I gave a literal
translation in my statement. Sethji’s son had no doubt what-
soever as to what he received through the telephone. But neither
his accuracy nor my faithful translation can excuse the error
into which I was betrayed. I, therefore, tender my unqualified
apology to Mr. Young and I shall be extra careful henceforth
in making use of telephone messages.
I see that not only was Mr. Young not guilty of any decep-
tion, but that he was careful to say that he was performing
a painful duty in obedience to the orders of a superior authority.
And in the execution thereof he was as courteous and as careful
as it was possible for him to be in the circumstances.
Having made these amends, I must say that The Hindustan
Times report, confirmed by Sethji, shows that his ill-treatment
was much worse than was conveyed in the telephone message.
All that night journey in the cold of Rajputana winter was a
cruel and unnecessary torture. Even if expulsion was necessary
for the preservation of peace in Jaipur, the night journey could
surely have been avoided, as also the use of force.
The Hindu, 12-2-1939
467. UNTRUTH IN NEWSPAPERS
A State official writes:
I have read your several articles in the Harijan about Congress
activities in general and those in the States in particular. One^ of these
deals with corruption in the Congress ranks and at least, by implication,
with other undesirable activities quite inconsistent with the spirit which
you have tried to infuse into the mass of Congress workers.
It has occurred to me to draw your attention to the fact that
much violence to truth and, therefore, harm to the cause you have at
heart is being done by certain newspapers which live by abuse and
which depend upon so-called ‘Congress workers’ for the unmitigated false-
hoods they publish.
So far as the States are the targets of attack, legitimate criticism
which rests on incontrovertible facts must be wholesome and should
be helpful. You would, however, agree that nothing but the truth
should be published.
• Vide pp. 320-1.
412
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
What is happening, in fact, is that some people who nurse a
sense of injury against the State to which they belonged or where they
lived in the past, finding themselves driven away as a result of their
activities to which the Government of the State took objection, are
trying to pay off old scores and for such a purpose they imagine
their position greatly fortified by their having joined the Congress fold.
The papers they feed, in their turn, live by their diatribes, while for
them those papers are the needed medium for the discharge of stored-
up venom. The unfortunate result is that however these vernacular
papers may succeed in inflaming the uninformed public, responsible people
remain unaffected by their denunciations.
It is a pity that things that may be usefully brought to light in
the honest spirit of awakening the administrations of the States to
their responsibilities are, for want of knowledge, never published. What
is published is either in the nature of a gross exaggeration of facts of no
vital importance or, as is more often the case, some pure inventions and,
therefore, an utter lie.
Your present policy seems to me to be that where the people
desire to manage their own affairs, it is the duty of the Congress to help
them in the attainment of that aim. I venture to think that it is not
your policy to replace the contentment of the people with discontent, in
pursuit of the ideal of responsible government throughout India.
Above all, I take your policy to be to disseminate and propagate
the truth, and to wage a ceaseless war against untruth. In that belief,
I venture to suggest that an article or two in the Harijan on the responsi-
bility of newspapers that depend for what they publish upon ‘Congress
workers’ and that of those workers might help to purge the Congress
movement of some destructive germs and thereby make it more effective
alike for the uplift of the downtrodden masses and for serving the high-
est cause of the country.
I have no difficulty in agreeing with the correspondent that
newspapers which indulge in untruth or exaggeration harm
the cause they profess to espouse. I admit, too, that there is
enough untruth in enough newspapers to warrant action. But
my experience is that no amount of public criticism will affect
the policy of newspapers which make their livelihood by such
policy.
I would like, however, to point out to my correspondent and
others like him who are connected with States that the public
must not be blamed for believing untruths if the State officials,
under a false sense of security, will not deign to correct untruths
or render explanations. And sometimes when they condescend
to give explanations they are more untruthful than the untruths
TRAVANCORE
413
of the newspapers. The latest instance is that of Talcher. The
Chief denied even the truth of a telling photograph in The States-
man of the refugees and has received a well-deserved snub
from its Editor. I have a Talcher bulletin sent to me by Thak-
kar Bapa for me to laugh or weep over. Its denial is a shame-
ful perversion of truth. I am publishing in this issue startling
news about Mewar.'
I would like an authentic contradiction of the news or strong
action against the police if they acted in disregard of instructions.
But I write this in no way to condone untruths in newspapers.
I am quite clear that if newspapers weighed every word that is
printed therein, we should have a speedier removal of abuses
whether in the States or elsewhere.
Segaon, February 13, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
468. TRAVANCORE
Though I have been apparently silent about Travancore,
the workers may rest assured that I have not been neglectful.
Sometimes silence is more telling than speech. All I am free to
say is that I have been usefully silent. I am sorry that all has
not gone well. I had hoped that when the State Congress with-
drew the allegations against the Dewan things would run smoothly
and the movement for responsible government would be allowed
full play.^ But the bulletin^ reproduced elsewhere shows that there
is no such luck for the Travancoreans. The unseating of 19 promi-
nent members of the Travancore Assembly seems to be vindictive.'*
Have they done anything dishonourable? Not that I know of.
I have before me a letter describing the ill-treatment of
Shrimati Akkamma Cherian, a political prisoner. If what she
declared in court is true, her treatment was surely disgraceful.
She is a cultured woman. She gave up the headmistress-ship of a
school in order to join the struggle for liberty. It hurts one to
think that in an advanced State like Travancore, which boasts of
an enlightened Prince, an equally enlightened Maharani, his
* Vide pp. 415-6.
^ Vide “Talk to Travancore State Congress Deputation”, pp. 131-3, and
“Travancore”, pp. 287-9.
^ “Travancore Bulletin” by G. Ramachandran
■* These members, all belonging to the State Congress, had been dis-
qualified on the ground of their having been convicted under the Criminal
Law Amendment Regulation.
414 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
mother, and an experienced Dewan, liberty is being choked by
rude repression.
But another letter tells me that this repression is taking place
in the name of Hinduism and for the sake of saving a Hindu State!
It has been suggested that the idea is to repress the Christians
who are playing a prominent part in the struggle for freedom.
It is surely late in the day to talk of Hindu States and Mus-
lim States. And what is the test? Is Kashmir a Hindu State because a
Hindu Prince happens to rule a territory which has an over-
whelming majority of Muslims as its inhabitants? Or is Hydera-
bad with its overwhelming Hindu population a Muslim State
because a Muslim Prince rules their destiny? I regard this kind
of talk as a libel on nationalism. Is India a Christian State because a
Christian king rules over her destiny? But if India is Indian no
matter who rules, the States are also Indian no matter who
happens to be the ruler. And the present Rulers and their succes-
sors will rule only by the grace of an awakened people. The
awakening that has taken place has come to stay. Every day
quickens the pace. The Rulers and their advisers may succeed
for the time being in suppressing the spirit of the people. They
will never succeed in killing it. To succeed would be to kill the
spirit of the people of India. Is anyone in India so short-
sighted as to feel that independence is not coming soon ? And is it
possible to conceive that an independent India will for one mom-
ent tolerate repression in any single spot, be it ever so big or
ever so small ? There is room, in my conception of an indepen-
dent India, for States with Princes as constitutional trustees, as
in Aundh.* There is room for Englishmen as fellow-servants of
the people, never as masters. Therefore, the only way in which
the Princes can live in a free India is for them now to recognize
the time spirit, bow to it and act accordingly. Let it be
the boast of the Hindu Prince, his Hindu mother and their
Hindu Dewan that they were not afraid of their Christian citi-
zens. Supposing there was responsible government in Travancore,
what could the Christians or the Hindus or the Muslims do?
Whoever the legislators, they will be responsible to the voters.
There is no room for fear, there is no hitch in the process. But
in the present repression, there is much to fear and there are
many hitches.
Segaon, February 13, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
* Vide pp. 90-1.
469. THE ETHICS OE IT
A friend suggests that I have perhaps departed from correct
conduct in publishing the confidential correspondence' between
Thakore Saheb and Sir Patrick Cadell and extracts from the inter-
view between Thakore Saheb-in-Council and the Resident. I
have no such feeling at all. I claim to be very sensitive to points
of honour. My worst critics have credited me with the capacity
to respect confidence and bury secrets entrusted to me. But I
have never regarded it any part of my duty to protect breaches
of promises against disclosure or to cover crimes of which I have
notice in due course. I do protect confessions made to me in
confidence as I did when I was asked, on pain of being punished
by a court of law, to disclose the names of criminals during the
unfortunate riots in Ahmedabad at the time of the Rowlatt Act
agitation. In the case in question there is no such point of hon-
our. Regard for truth and the popular cause demanded publica-
tion of the correspondence and the extracts. The documents were
received by the Sardar in ordinary course. They were handed
by those who were in legal possession. There was, therefore, so
far as I can see nothing dishonourable about getting possession of
the documents and, as I have said, nothing incorrect, much less
dishonourable, about their publication. Without such publication
the popular case could not be proved.
Segaon, February 13, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
470. MEWAR
A correspondent sends the following business-like note^:
First incident: Date of happening: 14th December, 1938. Place of
happening: A wayside bridge in the British territory of town Deoli.
Mewar territory: At a distance of about 12 yards.
. . . Shri Mathura Prasad Vaidya, a worker of the Mewar Praja Man-
dal, . . . while distributing Praja Mandal literature . . . was all of a sudden
attacked by two constables of Uncha Police in Mewar. One of them
snatched away the literature . . . The other knocked him down on the
* Vide Appendix I.
^ Of which only extracts are reproduced here
415
416
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
ground and then both of them forcibly dragged him in a semi-conscious
state to the nearby territory of Mewar only at a distance of about 12
yards . . . Vaidya Mathura Prasad was severely beaten by those policemen
on the way to Uncha police station. He has now been sentenced for
nine months.
Second incident: Date of happening: 2nd February, 1939. Place of
happening: On the outskirts of Deoli, British territory.
. . . Shri Maniklal Varma, secretary of the Mewar Praja Mandal, had
gone to Deoli ... In the evening at about 6.30 p.m., he with four other
colleagues of his was all of a sudden attacked on the outskirts of the town
by 15 men of Mewar police with lathis. All the five persons were badly
wounded, and Maniklalji was then forcibly dragged through bushes and
thorns in a most inhuman way to the Mewar territory which was at a dis-
tance of at least a few hundred yards. The Deoli police was informed
during the mishap but no notice was taken, and the Dewan of the police
station could not be found even after a good search, as if the whole thing
was prearranged. Maniklalji was arrested and taken to the Uncha police
station in Mewar.
The correspondent adds:
Shri Maniklalji belongs to Bijolia. He has been devoting himself to
the service of the peasantry for the past 20 years. He founded the Praja
Mandal a year ago. But it was declared illegal within a few days. There-
fore he started civil disobedience some months ago. I send you these
incidents as you have begun to write publicly about States’ affairs. Will you
kindly guide us workers also what should be done in such circumstances?
This news is strange, if it is true. It is difficult to under-
stand why the police did not arrest these workers within the
Mewar border. Or was it that the workers’ friends were avoid-
ing the Mewar territory? In any event the arrests seem to me
to have been illegal. The dragging amounted to an assault.
The only advice I can give is that this is essentially a case for
legal proceedings. The Praja Mandal should take it up.
But civil resisters of the States should remember that the
real battle has yet to come. The States, big or small, seem to
be taking concerted action. They are copying the methods
adopted by the British in British India during the satyagraha
struggle and are likely to improve upon them in frightfulness.
They fancy that they have no fear of public opinion, for there is
none in the States except in rare cases. But civil resisters who are
worth their salt will not be deterred by any frightfulness.
Segaon, February 13, 1939
Harijan, 18-2-1939
471. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
Wardha,
Eebruary 13, 1939
Ghanshyamdasji
Lucky
Calcutta
GILDER JIVARAJ EXAMINED YESTERDAY BUT DR. ROY*
HAS RIGHT COME WHEN HE LIKES.
Bapu
From a copy: C.W. 7805. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
472. LETTER TO MIRABEHJV
{February 13, 1939'\'^
CHI. MIRA,
All your letters are good and works of art. Your report of
the interview is graphic. Let us hope it will bear fruit.
The money I hope you received in good time.
I shall try to come as soon as I can.
The rest from Sushila.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6428. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10023
473. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHL
February 13, 1939
BA,
You have now had good experience of staying alone also.
But I forget. When were you alone? Rama has always been
with you. And when He is there, it does not matter whether
* Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy
^ From the postmark
68-27
417
418
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Others are or not. But now there are two, Mridu and Mani.
Be cheerful. They may also write.
Blessings to you all from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 32
474. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
February 13, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
I got your letters. The Garasias are not likely to forgo readi-
ly what they regard as their garas\ If we go on suffering
silently everything will end well.
The problem about Ba was quickly solved. Mani is a resource-
ful girl. She has mastered the art of doing the right thing at
the right time.^ She is living up to her name.^
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro— 2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 234
475. LETTER TO H. L. SHARMA
Segaon, Wardha,
February 13, 1939
CHI. SHARMA,
Did you get the wire I sent? The reply received here was:
“Many Sharmas, wire undelivered.”
There is only one point you want answered. We need not
give such a deep meaning to nature cure. Only he is entitled
to it who has put it into practice in its popular meaning. We
cannot all say: “I am the Brahman.” When it is time for
you to go to jail God will open a way. Anyway, what I am
’ Share in State lands
^ On being separated from Kasturba, Manibehn had refused to take food
till she was taken back to her.
^ ‘Mani’ means a jewel.
DISCUSSION WITH DR. CHESTERMAN
419
envisaging for you is not jail-going. So keep yourself immersed
in your work.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a facsimile of the Hindi: Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah
Varsh, between pp. 278 and 279
476. DISCUSSION WITH DR. CHESTERMAN^
Segaon,
Eebruary 13, 1939
. . . He said he had been overwhelmed with the perplexity of Indian prob-
lems and naturally the medical ones had taken first place in his mind. When
he heard that 2 lakhs of women die yearly from child-birth, 1 lakh from smallpox,
36 lakhs from indiscriminate fevers, that there are 10 lakhs of lepers and 6
lakhs of blind persons, he confessed he was appalled with the immensity of the task
of both preventive and curative medicine. He was not sure whether Gandhiji
was aware of the fact that there were 266 mission hospitals and 500 dispensaries
in India, 254 European and 350 Indian doctors, 300 European and 800 Indian
nurses, 2 million patients seen and 5 million treated per annum in these
hospitals, that half of the T. B. work and almost the entire work of lepers was
in the hands of missions. While, of course, the work of conversion was there,
and he knew Gandhiji’s opinion on this subject, he wanted to draw attention
to the fact that three quarters of their medical work lay in areas where there
was no response to religious teaching . . . He would, therefore, much like to
have Gandhiji’s opinion on how the work could be most fruitfully developed
and how far they could count on support and co-operation.
In reply Gandhiji said that the answer was difficult and yet simple at the
same time.
I hold peculiar views on the function of medicine. I express-
ed these very forcibly years ago, and nothing in all the course
of my long experience since has made me change them in
essence. But there is no need for me to expound these to you
now. I have visited many mission hospitals, seen the wonderful
work of the missionaries among lepers. This work may be called
their monopoly and speciality, for practically no one else has
come in to take it up. I know the Leper Home in Cuttack. I
have spent quite a long time in the Purulia Leper Asylum and
* Extracted from Amrit Kaur’s “A Good Samaritan”. Dr. Chesterman
was the medical secretary of the English Baptist Mission and had come to
India to attend the International Missionary Conference at Tambaram and to
visit various mission hospitals.
420
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
been very struck with the work there. Then I have seen Mrs.
Higginbotham’s work in Allahabad and several other places, too,
for I love to visit leper homes. But in spite of all this admira-
tion of mine for the work of medical missionaries there has
always been mental reservation and criticism within me. I have
felt that these good and well-intentioned missionaries have not
touched the fringe of the question. Certainly good work has been
done for lepers, for the blind, for sufferers from T. B. and
other ailments, but the help has not really touched the suffering
millions of this great land. Medical aid has been made available
in the main to those who live in or near the cities — whereas the
bulk of India’s population in our villages has been untouched.
Provincial Governments, even Congress Governments, are appalled
at the need of the villager. They do not know what to do and
nothing great has yet been done in spite of various experiments.
Therefore, if I were asked to advise missionaries or Mission Boards,
I would ask them not to try to transplant the entire system of
Western medicine into India. We cannot afford it. There is
ever so much to be gleaned and had from the study of indi-
genous drugs and medicines, but practically very little work
has been done in this department. No one has made it his
business to go out into our fields and search and much of the
indigenous talent, simply because it is not considered original or
scientific, is running to waste. I will give you an incident which
happened only today. As you may know, I have had a little
swelling on one foot for some days now which has alarmed the
doctors because they feel that it is a sign denotative of commenc-
ing disintegration of the heart and kidneys. One of my co-workers
here — you may call him almost an illiterate man — was very
troubled, as all are, about me and tells me he could not sleep
last night. This morning he brought me a green leaf and told
me that it had cured his father of the same trouble and begged
of me to try it also. I had no hesitation in acceding to his pro-
posal — whereas if I had had a bewildering prescription given me
by a highly qualified doctor my reaction would not have been
the same. I feel, therefore, that in these simple ways lies relief
for the villager. I do not say that the leaf will answer the pur-
pose. But there should be an agency that can say with certainty
what these herbs are and what is their quality.
Gandhiji then went on to explain that he had no prejudice against Western
medicine or doctors. He had today sent for glucose for Mr. Kallenbach, a
South African friend of his who was lying ill with malaria and who was
refusing to take quinine, a drug in which Gandhiji himself had implicit faith.
DISCUSSION WITH DR. CHESTERMAN
421
Here, Dr. Chesterman interposed and said that quinine was an indigenous
drug to which Gandhiji replied that though that was so it was a monopoly
and therefore very expensive and utterly beyond the reach of the villager.
I should, therefore, like to see missionaries as medicine ven-
dors for the villages, confining themselves, as far as they can, to
indigenous medicines. There will certainly not be gold medals
or knighthoods from Government forthcoming for them for this
valuable research work. But, in my opinion, they will obtain what
is of far greater value, a knighthood from Jesus Christ.
Proceeding, Gandhiji said that he had felt for a long time that the medical
faculty in India should manufacture a short course of training for village workers,
and had told Surgeon General Hooten of Bombay so, many years ago. Village
school-teachers should be utilized for this purpose. They should look upon the
entire village as under their jurisdiction from the point of view of health and
teach the simple laws of hygiene and prevention of disease to the inhabitants.
Their schools could be used as dispensaries for the distribution of ordinary
medicines for simple ailments. He gave the analogy of the useful six weeks
first-aid training which he himself had had to undergo before he could form
and lead the ambulance corps which he did during the Boer War.
. . . Dr. Chesterman then asked Gandhiji his opinion on expenditure on
buildings and elaborate equipment for hospitals. Gandhiji replied saying that
he had always been opposed to this and was invariably trying to wean people
from spending on what was unnecessary when for so much that was urgently
needed money was lacking. Big hospitals did not help the poor man in the
long run for they did not educate him to understand how he ought to look after
his health once he left the hospital.
DR. chesterman: What contribution can medical missionaries make to-
wards the raising of ethical standards in professional life?
gandhiji; They can help, but I do not feel they can do
much according to my measurement. You may think me uncha-
ritable, but so long as the mental reservation is there that medical
missionaries would like all their patients and co-workers to be-
come converts to Christianity, so long will there remain a bar
to real brotherhood. Then there is the additional handicap that
they belong to the ruling race and that is responsible for their
aloofness. Missionaries have not learnt the maxim ‘When you
go to Rome do as Rome does’. They retain everything of the
West in their daily lives forgetting that clothes and food and
modes of life are in response to climate and to surroundings and
adjustment, therefore, becomes necessary. They have not stooped
to conquer. The gulf of mutual distrust exists and there is.
422
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
therefore, no easy passage between the medical missionary and
the medical profession in India.
Dr. Chesterman disputed this statement. He maintained that there was
any amount of goodwill also. He had met a Hindu friend in Bombay who
had definitely assured him that there was need for mission hospitals because
Indians got greater consideration and greater compassion there than in Govern-
ment institutions.
Asked whether mission hospitals were justified in taking fees from those able
to afford them, unlike Government institutions where money was generally ex-
tracted by the subordinate staff in undesirable ways, Gandhiji said he saw no
reason against it.
The last question Dr. Chesterman asked was whether Gandhiji’s objection
to conversion applied to areas like the Kond Hills where the aboriginal races
were animists. The unhesitating reply was:
Yes. It does apply, because I know that in spite of being
described as animists these tribes have from time immemorial been
absorbed in Hinduism. They are, like the indigenous medicine,
of the soil, and their roots lie deep there. But you can only
endorse this if you feel that Hinduism is as true as Christianity.
I hold that all religions are true but imperfect inasmuch
as they are presented through human agency and bear the
impress of the imperfections and frailties of the human being.
My quarrel with missionaries is that they think no religion other
than Christianity is true.
In parting from Gandhiji, while thanking him for the time he had given
and hoping the conversation had not unduly tired him. Dr. Chesterman im-
plored Gandhiji to continue to appeal to the best that was in them. The feel-
ing answer that greatly touched Dr. Chesterman was :
I am making that appeal incessantly from the innermost
recesses of my heart. That is of far more value than the written
word although I have indulged in that also.
Harijan, 25-2-1939
477. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
Segaon,
Eebruary 14, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
Is your work going on well ? How did you manage to fall ill ?
A letter for Shaikh Chandbhai is enclosed.
If there is anything which you think might interest me, write
to me.
I am not quite well, but there is no cause for worry just now.
Can you or Gokibehn get permission to see Ba?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8555. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi
478. LETTER TO GULAM RASOOL QURESHI
Segaon, Wardha,
February 14, 1939
CHI. QURESHI,
Amtul Salaam had a talk with me but I completely forgot to
write to you. There is no need to feel hesitant about accepting
money for social service. I have already talked about it. You
can start drawing money the moment you are relieved from the
perfumery business. You have to bear in mind that you are not
to incur debts.
I have already explained to you about the children, haven’t
I ? You can give them religious education at home and general
education along with other children. Sultana might perhaps
study in the Harijan Ashram as the other girls do. I could not
ask Narahari whether you could get a place in the Ashram and
later forgot about it. I am now having him consulted.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 10765. Courtesy: Gulam Rasool
Qureshi
423
479. LETTER TO SURESH SINGH
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 14, 1939
BHAI SURESH,
I have not so far considered civil disobedience nor do I find
an atmosphere for it.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 8691. Also C.W. 2893. Courtesy:
Suresh Singh
480. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 15, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I had your second letter. Time will put everything right.
Have patience. Everything, since it is new to you, must appear
strange. Ultimately you will get used to things. Have courage.
You must have received my letter.
Mr. Kallenbach was seriously ill but is better now. Your
absence is often felt here.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10009. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
481. LETTER TO VIJATABEHN M. PANCHOLI
Segaon, Wardha,
February 15, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
We have already begun feeling lonely without you. One
misses your voice at the prayer. But that is the way of the
world. Meeting, parting, again meeting, and again parting will
go on and we should remain unaffected by them.
424
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
425
You should now understand your dharma. Conjugal dharma
is easy as well as difficult. It is easy for one who understands
it. You should become one with Manubhai and Manubhai should
become one with you. But there is no scope for bargaining.
There can be no bargaining in dharma. Dharma has to be
performed by oneself. So it is certain that you have to become one
with Manubhai who may or may not become one with you.
This means that your entire spiritual riches should be surrender-
ed to him. And so you both should lift each other higher and
higher but never bring each other down. Brighten up the
atmosphere there as you filled the house with joy here. If you
have understood the Gita you will be cheerful in whatever condi-
tion you may be placed.
Absorb yourself in the school work. There can hardly be
any news to give, seeing that it is not quite two hours since you
left. But Prabha will come tomorrow. This will also be des-
patched tomorrow.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 4599. Courtesy: Vijayabehn M.
Pancholi
482. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
[Before February 16, 1939y
BA,
I have your letter and Mani’s. You must go through all the
tests. Letters have already gone from here. Enquire from the
officer there. Mr. Kallenbach has fallen ill. It is a severe
illness. Lilavati observes fast on Mondays. I am not writing
separately to Mani.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 33
* Vide “Letter to Kasturba Gandhi”, pp. 426-7, in which Gandhiji says,
“Kallenbach is better.”
483. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruarj 16, 1939
MY DEAR C. R.,
If you can, you should give him notice about the passages
marked by me and ask him to apologize and promise not to
repeat the performance. But you will be right in prosecuting
him straightway.
Do read the enclosed from Tatachar. You can’t govern by
mere cold reason. But you are the man on the spot. You must
act according to your lights not mine.
Pray don’t ask me to cover the spinning prices. Do listen
to those who ask you to take care of your health.
Love.
Bapu
From a photostat: G.N. 2174
484. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Eebruary 16, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
Is it my fault that you do not receive the letters I write you?
I hope you have become calm now. Vijaya left yesterday, crying.
Many others have come. Among them are Yashoda and Sarup.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10005. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
485. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHL
Eebruary 16, 1939
BA,
I write to you every day. What can I do if you do not get
my letters? Just as there is now no cause for worry about you,
there was never any cause for worry about me. Subhas Babu
426
LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
427
has already arrived. Others keep coming and going. Mr. Kal-
lenbach is better. Kanam is well. He not only eats with me
but also sleeps with me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 33
486. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebmary 16, 1939
CHI. MANI,
I have received your long letter and other letters. I have
been impressed by all your actions. I can find no fault. I see
that you have understood the principle of satyagraha very well.
I am therefore completely at ease.
I don’t get a telegram from Government every day. I have
had two or three. From here letters have gone every day. In
the beginning I wrote at the address you gave. Then I wrote
to the Government as to why my letters were not reaching you.
They sent me a telegram advising me to route my letters through
the First Member. I now act accordingly.
I do receive a letter from your end every day. I am there-
fore content.
I do not write separately to Mridu. She should not worry.
Is the burden of work there so little that she should take up that
of the Congress, too?
Blessings from
Bapu
Smt. Manibehn Patel
State Prisoner
C/o First Member of the Council
Rajkot (Kathiawar)
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro- 4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 124
487. LETTER TO SHARD ABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 17, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
If you do not receive my letters sent to you at the Bombay
address given by you, is it my fault or yours? I have even the
dates with me. It will be better if you come here now. It is
not good to fall ill. My going to Bardoli has been cancelled.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
I myself open your letters.
From Gujarati: C.W. 10006. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
488. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BLRLA
Wardha,
February 18, 1939
Ghanshyamdas Birla
Lucky
Calcutta
TELL BIDHAN BARDOLI CANCELLED. NO ANXIETY.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 7808. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
489. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Segaon,
February 18, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letters. I have written or asked somebody to write
to you almost every day. It is difficult to forget you. My eye
always turns towards where you used to sleep, but to what good ?
It won’t do your having a chronic fever. If it persists, you had
428
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
429
better come to me in good time. If you do not use a mosquito-
net, start using one now. I am quite well. But do not keep me
worried about you.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10007. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
490. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 18, 1939
BA,
Letters have been sent to you every day. But if you do not
get them what can one do? You need not worry about me.
Even if I am in a really bad way I shall expect you to say:
‘If it is willed that he should die during separation, he will. I
on my part will stay where my children are being tortured. I
shall be even more happy if I am sent to jail. All of you should
help me in making Thakore Saheb fulfil his promise. I would
prefer to die in Rajkot, if you do not make use of my services.’
Since you have gone there of your own accord, you may voice
these sentiments if they arise in your heart. You should think
on these lines.
You are always telling me to take service from the girls. But
I have altogether given that up now. Sushila does the massage.
That also will have to be abandoned, won’t it? I have not
been able to give it up because of my present bad health. Do
not worry about me even in this respect. Is not God my ultimate
support ?
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 33
491. LETTER TO VIJATABEHN M. PAJVCHOLI
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebrmry 18, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
I hope you are completely at ease and happy there. I would
not like your being the least bit unhappy; it will be a blot on my
training. There should not be the slightest resistance to mutual
adjustment. Write to me a detailed letter. How are you settled?
How do you find the climate and the surroundings?
Amritlal had a little fever today. Even a slight change has
its effect. There is nothing to worry about. Mr. Kallenbach is
fairly improved although the fever is still there.
Blessings from
Bapu
[PS.]
Write a letter to Ba.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7108. Also G.W. 4600. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
492. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL AND
MRIDULA SARABHAI
Segaon,
February 18, 1939
CHI. MANI AND MRIDULA,
It is God’s grace that you both are there. I would be
happy if all three of you were here together. But we have to
live as God wills.
You do not have to worry about Subhas Babu and others.
As far as that is concerned you are in jail. I shall act as God
directs me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 125
430
493. NOTES
Jaipur
After all the Jaipur Durbar has been obliged to arrest Seth
Jamnalalji. It is reported that he is decently housed though
kept in an out-of-the-way place under a strong guard. There
seems to be secrecy about everything. I suggest that the authori-
ties make a public statement as to his whereabouts, the facilities
given to him and the conditions as to correspondence and inter-
views. Is medical assistance easily available?
But if what one hears about Shekhavati is true, the deten-
tion and treatment under detention of Sethji is of minor account.
In the absence of detailed news on behalf of the State the public are
bound to give credence to the statements appearing in the Press.
Segaon, February 20, 1939
True Swadeshi
If I have to use the adjective ‘true’ before swadeshi, a critic
may well ask, ‘Is there also false swadeshi?’ Unfortunately I
have to answer ‘yes’. As, since the days of khadi, I am supposed
to be an authority on swadeshi, numerous conundrums are
presented to me by correspondents. And I have been obliged to
distinguish between the two kinds of swadeshi. If foreign capi-
tal is mixed with indigenous, or if foreign talent is mixed with
indigenous, is the enterprise swadeshi ? There are other questions
too. But I had better reproduce the definition I gave to a Minister
the other day. “Any article is swadeshi if it subserves the
interest of the millions, even though the capital and talent are
foreign but under effective Indian control.” Thus khadi of the
definition of the A. I. S. A. would be true swadeshi even though
the capital may be all foreign and there may be Western special-
ists employed by the Indian Board. Conversely, Bata’s rubber or
other shoes would be foreign though the labour employed may be
all Indian and the capital also found by India. The manufacture
will be doubly foreign because the control will be in foreign
hands and the article, no matter how cheap it is, will oust the
village tanner mostly and the village mochi^ always. Already the
mochis of Bihar have begun to feel the unhealthy competition.
‘ Cobbler
431
432 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The Bata shoe may be the saving of Europe; it will mean the
death of our village shoemaker and tanner. I have given
two telling illustrations, both partly imaginary. For in the
A. I. S. A. the capital is all indigenous and the whole of the
talent also. But I would love to secure the engineering talent
of the West to give me a village wheel which will beat the
existing wheels, though deep down in me I have the belief
that the improvements that indigenous talent has made are
by no means to be despised. But this is a digression. I do
hope that those Ministers and others who guide or serve the
public will cultivate the habit of distinguishing between true and
false swadeshi.
Segaon, February 20, 1939
Harijan, 25-2-1939
494. TRAVANCORE AGAIN
I take the following from Shri Ramachandran’s letter to the
Rajkumari:
I know there is nothing we can expect unless we burn ourselves out
peacefully and truthfully for the cause for which we stand. You must
have seen how at the last meeting of the Working Committee of the State
Congress we laid down a time limit of six weeks before commencing a
programme of civil resistance. God is witness that we are anxious for
peace. But there has been no enquiry into shootings which took place
in nine places. Many lawyers convicted during the last campaign have
been debarred from practising for two years. 19 members of the State
Congress Party in the Legislature have been disqualified just on the eve
of the present session now sitting. Government had ample time to notify
disqualification earlier and order re-elections in time. Now 19 constit-
uencies remain unrepresented. Fines have not been refunded. Gonfiscated
property has not been returned. Cancellation of newspaper licences
remains intact. One would have thought that the birthday amnesty would
include all these. Instead a systematic attempt has been made to destroy
the State Congress volunteer organization under another iniquitous re-
gulation brought into force for that specific purpose. Just now there are
over 200 political prisoners. Many respectable people have been arrested
under section 90 meant for security proceedings against goondas. Fresh
accommodation has been added in the central jail. Over 1,000 special
police have been recruited from among bad elements at the astounding
monthly salary of Rs. 5. Can anything beat that? And as though the
TRAVANCORE AGAIN
433
Travancore police cannot be trusted to do the dirty work, numerous police
constables have been recruited from outside Travancore. The Government’s
policy of repression has gone on unabated, without fuss and without pre-
cipitating a frontal battle. That is why we feel compelled to lay down
a time limit of six weeks. I wish you to study carefully the papers I
have sent to Bapu — specially the two resolutions we passed at the last
meeting of the Working Committee. I am oppressed with the idea that
Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyer’s policy will create a gulf between the
Ruler and the people.
I have refrained from giving in these columns the resolu-
tions and the preface referred to in the letters. It is well for the
reader to have these before him to enable him to judge what
the State Congress is doing. They will be found elsewhere in
this issue.
The documents make painful reading. What has happened
since the amnesty has robbed it of the grace that should accom-
pany generous amnesties as this one on the birthday of the
Maharaja was claimed to be. It was a spontaneous gesture.
After events seem to suggest that it was no gesture of generosity,
but that it was a part of the tactics adopted by the authorities
to allay the agitation that was rising against the Travancore Dur-
bar and to divide the people in Travancore. If the information
given by Shri Ramachandran is correct, the second object has not
been gained and the first was partly achieved. For the Indian
Press was inclined to believe, after the release of prisoners, that
the fight was over.
I would love to think that there was no sinister motive be-
hind the partial amnesty. If so, it seems to me to be quite easy
to conciliate the State Congress, unless crushing, not conciliation,
is the aim of the authorities. Let the amnesty be completed and
Reforms Committee be appointed in consultation with the State
Congress, and peace between the Prince and the people is assured.
But there may be no such good fortune either for the people
or the Prince. In that case the State Congressmen should re-
member that satyagraha, if it is the greatest force in the world,
requires also the capacity for the greatest suffering with a heart
without anger or malice. Whilst it is right to publish the news
about the doings of the oppressor, there must be infinite patience
for endless suffering and yet a burning faith in the ultimate
success of truth.
It is well that the Congress has fixed upon a six weeks’
limit. But if it is found that six weeks are not enough for ensur-
ing non-violence as far as it is humanly possible and for also
68-28
434
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
ensuring continuity of constructive work, there would be no
shame but additional credit in taking further postponement. If
thoughtless persons and unkind critics regard such postponement
as a sign of weakness, the fighters need not mind such imputa-
tions. After all the soldier knows when to stay his hand and
when to move on. He knows that often there is action in so-
called inaction and imprudent action is worse than real inaction.
And weak is not he who is so called but he who feels that he is
weak. Let the members of the Working Committee realize that
the technique of non-violent action requires general and effective
control over forces of violence, no matter how or by whom insti-
gated. If and when the struggle is resumed, I hope that in
answer to my wires I will not be told that the State Congress is
not responsible for violence if it breaks out. Does not responsible
government mean that the people, instead of a dictator appoint-
ed by a Paramount Power, are responsible for all the acts of the
people? Let them realize that if violence breaks out on any
appreciable scale, it might, very probably will, be a call for an-
other suspension, even as there was suspension in Bardoli, though
violence broke out in far-off Chauri Chaura.^
Segaon, February 20, 1939
Harijan, 25-2-1939
495. LAWLESS LIMBDL
Limbdi is a Kathiawar State. It had the reputation of
being progressive. I have the good fortune to know many of
its workers. They are wise, self-sacrificing and capable of doing
hard work. In common with many States, Limbdi also had a
great awakening among the people. The workers used to boast
of their progressive Yuvraj. But they have now discovered that
he has imbibed some curious notions of the dictatorships of the
West. He would let the reformers have a free run of little Limb-
di. But they must not go to the villages. In the villages
he was to make his own experiments unhindered by anybody.
The Limbdi reformers thought that they had as much right as
the Yuvraj to work among the villagers, especially as they had
already established connection with them. They therefore dared
to go to the villages, with the result mentioned in the following
telegram:
• Vide Vol. XXII, pp. 415-21.
LAWLESS LIMBDI
435
At least eighty persons, armed with lathis, dharias, native guns, swords,
axes, attacked village Pansina midnight fifth. Entrances of village were
guarded by batches of three to five persons. Two batches of twenty
persons went round village and selected houses of Prajamandal workers
and sympathizers for dacoity. First of all they went to the Prajamandal
office and chained it from outside so that volunteers could not go out. Then
one batch went to house of Chhotalal, prominent merchant and Prajamandal
worker, and brutally assaulted him and his wife. She received serious
injuries including on her sex organs. President of local branch attacked
with sword and received punctured wound in lungs. About thirty persons
are seriously injured. Ornaments, cash and goods worth about sixty
thousand rupees taken away from ten to twelve houses of active members
of Prajamandal. Dacoits continuously carried on firing in air and at
houses for about two hours. After this they went to another village, Ralol,
two miles away from Pansina and repeated process there. Three gold-
smiths and one bania sympathizing with popular movement have been
seriously wounded and property worth ten thousand rupees taken away.
One bania Jeychand Valji was attacked today with knife, stabbed at four
places and plundered in Siani; his sister also beaten. People have strong
grounds to suspect State Officers’ hand in dacoity. Some dacoits were
identified as Pagis and Pasayatas of State. Prajamandal workers and
sympathizers were actually being threatened since last week by State Pagis,
Pasayatas that they will be robbed and beaten. Stolen property removed
in about eight motor-cars and two buses which could not have been sup-
plied by private individuals. Dacoits continued firing in air for two
hours using number of cartridges which could not have been supplied by
private individual. State police has not started any investigation as yet.
Even panchanamas have not been made. No medical aid sent by State
from capital. Thakore Saheb even though approached has not taken
any strong action. Threats of similar dacoity are being given by State
Pasayatas in other villages. Previous incidents of goondaism strengthen
this suspicion. Attacking Bhaktiba’s car with lathis in Jambu by
Mukhi’s men, smashing Prajamandal car and beating its driver and worker
in Siani, beating members of Prajamandal in village Raska, threatening
head of volunteers in Siani by village Pasayatas with death, free move-
ment of about thirty goondas with lathis, dharias, knives in Siani and
number of such incidents have left no doubt here that organized goondaism
is started by State to suppress recently started popular movement.
Attention of Thakore Saheb has been drawn to these incidents times with-
out number but in vain. As protest against last act of dacoity about 400
to 500 persons including Nagarsheth Lalchandbhai and prominent citizens
like Durlabhji Umedchand, Amulakh Amichand have started hunger
strike and are sitting day and night before Palace. About three thousand
436
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Other persons have joined this morning. Great indignation prevails against
State. People observing remarkably non-violent attitude and are prepared
for any contingency.
They also dared to announce a meeting of their Parishad
with the result embodied in the following message received by
me:
Sitting Praja Parishad arranged tomorrow. To break Praja Parishad
many goondas imported Limbdi. People suspect hand of State officials in
this. Strong grounds for this suspicion. Procession of goondas armed with
lathis, naked swords, guns, dharias, marching through town for whole day.
Some of these tried to assault certain women. Seth Amulakh Amichand,
prominent merchant of Bombay, intervened and asked them to beat
him rather than women. Seth Durlabhji Umedchand and Bhagwanlal
Harakhchand rushed to scene with six male volunteers. Male volunteers
were brutally assaulted with sticks and beaten. At another place goondas
caught hold of Prahladrai Mody, pleader of Bhavnagar, and released him
only when they knew that he was not Prajamandal worker. Bhogilal
Gandhi was threatened with death by goonda armed with naked sword.
Manubhai Thakar was given one lathi blow. Goondas are shouting before
Prajamandal office. Batch of goondas, headed by Tapubha of Siani who
is State servant and who beat Prajamandal volunteers in Siani two days
before, have stationed themselves outside Sthanakvasi Bhojanshala where
peasants from villages are sleeping. They threaten anybody who comes
out with death. Different batches of goondas are marching streets. Prac-
tically state of siege amounting to virtual martial law by State prevails.
People feel that State is responsible for this. Narubha, superintendent of
police, was seen talking with some of these by respectable people. Many
peasants are forcibly brought from villages and made to parade streets
in procession headed by these goondas. People have adopted remarkably
non-violent attitude and have decided to suffer anything for asserting their
right to meet in Parishad.
I have since learnt that Durbar Gopaldas Desai and his wife
Bhaktiba were surrounded by the same gentlemen described in
the message. Both suffered minor injuries. The goondas had the
satisfaction for a time of preventing the meeting of the Parishad.
I have no reason whatsoever for disbelieving the messages
which describe the events with a wealth of detail that carries con-
viction. What is more, they are sent by parties whom I hold to
be incapable of conscious exaggeration or of invention.
In spite of this lawlessness, the reformers will win if they
have grit enough to be ground to the dust and if they really
represent the wishes of the people. The public outside will help
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
437
them. The Paramount Power is also bound by treaty obliga-
tions to help them as has been amply proved by Pyarelal in the
extracts produced from Lee Warner. But let the satyagrahis
know that salvation comes from within. They will have to lose
all, if they will save their souls and gain the freedom which is
their birthright.
Segaon, February 20, 1939
Harijan, 25-2-1939
496. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 20, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letter. I see that you are getting wiser. With
patience all will be well. You have done well in getting rid of the
fever. Engage yourself in work now. Take the diet which suits you.
My tour of the Frontier Province is likely to be after the
12th. I am well. It does not seem probable that I shall be
going for the Congress session.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 10008. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
497. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
Eebruary 20, 1939
BA,
Be alert. Take care of your health. Everybody has come
so I shall not write much. Nanavati has gone to stay with Kaka
today.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 34
498. LETTER TO VIJATABEHN M. PAJVCHOLI
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruarj 20, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
You must have received my letters. How bad you are!
Why should you feel giddy? Why should you feel so unhappy
going to your own house? Be wise and do your duty cheerfully.
Your constantly falling ill won’t do. Write to Ba. Address the
letter care of the First Member. Write to others also.
Amritlal has gone to live with Kakasaheb today.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7110. Also C.W. 4602. Gourtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi
499. LETTER TO BALKRLSHNA SHARMA
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruarj/ 20, 1939
BHAI BALKRISHNA SHARMA,
What have they been doing in Kanpur? Why all this riot-
ing?’ Did not another Ganesh Shankar VidyarthF offer himself
as a sacrifice?
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 7516. Also C.W. 4993. Courtesy:
Parasuram Mehrotra
’ There had been communal riots in Kanpur from 11th to 13th February,
1939.
^ Editor of Pratap', he had been killed during the Hindu-Muslim riots
in Kanpur in March 1931.
438
500. TELEGRAM TO AKBAR HTDART
Wardha,
Eehrmry 21, 1939
Sir Akbar Hydari
Hyderabad Dn
IN REPLY YOUR TELEGRAM HAS BEEN RECEIVED FROM
SHOLAPUR. NARAYANSWAMI interviewed after PERMISSION
BY OUR REPRESENTATIVE SUNDERPERSHAD ON SEVEN-
TEENTH GULBARGA JAIL . . WITH CONVICT DRESS
AND IRON RING IN HIS FOOT.
Gandhi
From a photostat: C.W. 10097. Courtesy: Government of Andhra Pradesh
501. LETTER TO AKBAR HTDARP
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 21, 1939
DEAR SIR AKBAR,
Here is a letter on the Arya Samaj satyagraha. Their de-
mand seems to me to be reasonable. But I do not want to say
anything in public till I hear from you.
I still await your reply to my letter'^ about State Congress.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: C.W. 10096. Courtesy: Government of Andhra Pradesh
Photostats of these items were displayed at the Gandhi Darshan
Exhibition held in New Delhi in 1969-70.
2 Illegible in the source
Vide pp. 308-9.
439
502. LETTER TO LORD LLNLLTHGOW
Segaon, Wardha,
February 21, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
I am much obliged to you for your cordial and frank let-
ter.’ In the circumstances I shall await the time that you may
consider appropriate for our meeting.
I am,
Tours sincerely.
From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives
of India. Also C.W. 7810
503. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 21, 1939
BA,
I get your letters regularly. My letters are despatched reg-
ularly from here. I shall find out why they are not delivered to
you in time. Take proper care of your health. I must get a
detailed report. Prabha will write the rest. I have not been
able to look after Sushila’s diet. You did well in cautioning me.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 34
’ In his letter of February 19, the Viceroy had referred to Gandhiji’s
letter to him of February 12 and said he did not “in the least misunderstand
your decision to publish the article which you were kind enough to let me see.”
(This was the one entitled “Jaipur”, 30-1-1939, which Gandhiji in his letter
of 31-1-1939, had said he was not publishing and which evidently he decided
later to publish.) He had also referred to Gandhiji’s suggestion that they
might meet and said he did not see the time was appropriate but never-
theless if Gandhiji still felt they might meet it would be a great pleasure
to him to see Gandhiji again but would prefer that it should be after his
Rajputana tour.
440
504. TALK TO HYDERABAD STATE CONGRESS
DELEGATION^
Segaon,
Eebruary 21, 1939
A satyagrahi will, like a general, always choose his own time
and ground for fight. Satyagraha should be kept in reserve until all
other means of advancing the cause are exhausted. Even in armed
warfare, suspensions and withdrawals are the recognized tactics.
Suspension does not exclude facing imprisonment if in the
course of legitimate, peaceful and constructive activities people
are arrested. These will not constitute civil disobedience. Your
decision to continue the suspension is a wise one. You have lost
nothing by suspension. There is nothing to prevent you from
resuming the satyagraha when the situation again demands it
and there is ample cause to compel you to revive satyagraha.
The Hindu, 22-2-1939
505. A MISCHIEVOUS SUGGESTION
A correspondent sends the following cutting from The Bombay
Chronicle :
Mr. Rushbrook Williams in a letter to The Manchester Guardian declares
that during the last few months of last year there was a definite progress
by the Right Wing elements of the Congress High Command towards a
position in which Mahatma Gandhi would have found it possible to ap-
proach the authorities with suggestions in relation to the Central Govern-
ment, roughly corresponding to those which he so successfully carried
through in connection with the Provincial Governments. What was then
regarded as the approach of Federation compelled the Gongress to reckon
up its forces. It had little Muslim support and without such support,
thanks to the Muslim League, and unless it found new allies, it will
be unable to form a Government in the Centre. Therefore it was
necessary to concentrate on Indian States in order to secure that the
^ The Delegation had informed Gandhiji of the State Gongress decision
to continue suspension of the satyagraha for some time more. The satyagraha
was suspended on or about 26-12-1938. Vide “Draft of Statement for Hyderabad
State Gongress”, pp. 242-4, and “Letter to Akbar Hydari”, p. 248.
441
442
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
representations of States should be drawn from elements sympathizing
with the Congress programme.
He adds: “It is not without significance that Dr. Pattabhi Sitaram-
ayya is intimately associated with the States Subjects’ Conference,
but the election of Mr. Bose has been a blow to the Right Wing and
apparently has postponed any rapprochement with the authorities as the
High Command had in mind. Mr. Bose does not like the States, but
he also does not like Federation. He can, therefore, have little sympathy
with an endeavour to convert States into allies of the Congress in prep-
aration for a Congress domination over the new Central institutions. In
fact he desires to keep them at arm’s length to secure a settlement of
British Indian destinies by British India and eventually no doubt to expel the
Princes and absorb the States into the new self-governing India he projects.”
Mr. Williams is an old ‘enemy’. During the non-co-opera-
tion days he edited an official Year Book, in which he drew upon
his imagination and gave his own colour to facts which he could
not avoid. He has played the same role again in his letter to
The Manchester Guardian, assuming that he is correctly quoted. It
is wrong to say that there was a definite or any progress by the
Right Wing elements of the Congress High Command towards
the position pictured by Mr. Williams’s imagination. The sugges-
tion about Muslim support is malicious. I know my own mind
and so far as I know the Congress mind, neither it nor I ever
dreamt that there could be any federation without Muslim sup-
port. Indeed so long as there is opposition to federation by the
Muslims, the Congress has no need to worry about federation
coming. Therefore, unless there is perfect communal unity, no
Congressman can think or talk of federation whether of the Gov-
ernment mint or cent per cent swadeshi mint.
About Dr. Pattabhi, the whole of India knows that his candi-
dature was thought of at the last moment when Maulana Saheb
withdrew and as Dr. Pattabhi was the only candidate left besides
Subhas Babu. His connection with the States People’s Confe-
rence has been a convenient fact for building up Mr. Williams’s
case.
As for the innuendos about Subhas Babu, he is well able to
look after himself. But throughout one year’s intimate connection
with him I never once heard him say of the States what Mr.
Williams attributes to him. I am quite certain that if the States
come to terms with the Congress about the treatment of the
people in their jurisdiction, Subhas Babu will be quite as keen
as any Congressman to close the bargain but not in anticipation
of federation.
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
443
I have come into the States agitation by accident. Responsi-
ble government in the States is a goal by itself and independent
of federation which may never come. It won’t come till the Cong-
ress and Muslims are ready for it. But liberty of the States
people has to come in any and every case. They cannot be in
chains and what is called British India become free.
Segaon, February 23, 1939
Harijan, 4-3-1939
506. TELEGRAM TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRT
[February 23, 1939Y
Rt. Honourable Sastri
Madras
NEVER KNEW ANYTHING WAS SERIOUS IN YOUR UNIVER-
SITY. FULL LETTER RECEIVED YESTERDAY GAVE ME
SHOCK. MY HEART WENT OUT TO YOU. I PITY
STUDENTS WHO HAVE BEEN SO UNWORTHY OF YOUR
GREAT STEWARDSHIP.
Gandhi
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal
507. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
February 23, 1939
BA,
You always complain about my not writing, but today there
is no letter from you. What about that? All is well here. No-
thing to worry about.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 34
* At this time Vice-Chancellor of Annamalai University
^ Vide “Statement to the Press”, pp. 444-5.
508. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
February 23, 1939
I continue to receive daily wires about hunger-strikes in
Rajkot over the treatment, said to be inhuman, of prisoners and
others in villages. The Rajkot matter is becoming daily graver
because of the breach of faith on the ruler’s part with which the
second struggle started. Agitated inquirers should know that I
am in telegraphic correspondence with the State authorities. I
hope to take them into confidence in the near future. In the
mean time let the satyagrahis understand that the first thing they
have to show is an infinite capacity for suffering with inward joy
and without malice or anger.
The Hindustan Times, 24-2-1939
509. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
February 23, 1939
The news of Lord Brabourne’s death has grieved me deeply.^
I had the privilege of close friendship with him.
The Hindu, 24-2-1939
510. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS2
February 23, 1939
I saw yesterday a letter'* from Annamalai University, ad-
dressed to a colleague, giving a detailed description of the students’
strike. According to the letter, the strikers prostrate themselves in
front of the entrances to prevent non-strikers from attending
classes and when the classes are held, they enter the class-rooms,
’ This was also published in Harijan, 4-3-1939, under the title “Gandhiji’s
Statement on Rajkot”.
^ Lord Brabourne had served as Governor in Bombay and Bengal. He
died in Calcutta on February 23.
^ This was also published in Harijan, 4-3-1939, under the heading
“Students’ Strike at Annamalai”.
* Vide “Is It Non-violent?”, pp. 457-9.
444
LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
445
shout, and otherwise make holding of classes impossible. The
letter ends by saying that the strikers are likely to give up the
strike if they know that, in my opinion, the methods adopted by
them are contrary to non-violence.
If the description reproduced by me is correct, I have no
hesitation in saying that the methods adopted by the strikers are
not only not non-violent but positively violent. I would implore
the strikers to desist from the methods they have adopted and
allow those who want to attend classes to do so without any
obstruction.
The Hindu, 23-2-1939
511. TELEGRAM TO PRIVATE SECRETARY TO
THE VICEROY
Eebruarj) 24, 1939
Private Secretary to His Excellency Viceroy
New Delhi
HAVE WIRED TO FIRST MEMBER RAJKOT AS FOLLOWS;*
PLEASE PLACE THIS BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY.
Gandhi
From a copy: C.W. 7811. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
512. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI
Segaon,
Eehruary 24, 1939
BA,
You should be receiving letters regularly now. I take as
much service as necessary from the girls. Keep up patience and
courage. All will be well.
Blessings from
Bapu
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Bane Patro, p. 34
For the text of this telegram, vide “Statement to the Press”, pp. 449-52.
513. TALK WITH AN ASHRAM INMATE
Segaon,
February 24, 1939
Who knows. But somehow I think it would not happen
that way. I expect this visit to be brief. My relations with the
Rajkot ruling family are such as to warrant a frank talk. Either
the Thakore Saheb will restore the pact or he will refer me to
the Resident and I shall settle it up with him in no time. The
case is so clear that I do not expect any serious resistance. It
will be a test of my ahimsa too. People may think that I am
gone crazy in my old age to give so much importance to a small
State like Rajkot. But I am made that way. When the moral
fibre in me is touched to the quick I simply cannot sit still.
Harijan, 25-3-1939
514. LETTER TO VIJATABEHN M. PANCHOLI
[Before February 25, 1939Y
CHI. VIJAYA,
I am now coming nearer you. It does not mean that you
both have to come over to Rajkot. Take care of your health.
Do not fall ill. I hope you are cheerful now.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7105
’ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “The Rajkot Fast”. On hearing about
Gandhiji’s decision to go to Rajkot an Ashram inmate had asked him when
he expected to return and whether there was not a chance of his being made
a ‘State guest’ at Rajkot like Kasturba.
2 Gandhiji left for Rajkot on February 25.
446
515. WORK INSTEAD OF ALMS^
To those who are hungry and unemployed God can dare
reveal Himself only as work and wages as the assurance of food.
I do not want to humiliate the naked by giving them
clothes of which they have no need. Instead I will give them work
which they need very badly. I will never commit the sin of
becoming their benefactor. But having realized that I had a
hand in their ruination, I will give them a respectable place in
society. I will never give them left-overs and discarded things.
I will share with them my best food and clothes and help them
in their work. My ahimsa will not tolerate giving free food to a
healthy person who does not put in honest labour. If I had my
say I would close down all charitable institutions and alms-houses.
It is because of them the country has fallen and such vices as
laziness, hypocrisy and crime have got encouragement.
[From Hindi]
Harijan Sevak, 25-2-1939
516. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
Segaon, Wardha,
February 25, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
My telegram to the Rajkot State of yesterday was wired to
you last night.^ Nevertheless I attach a copy of it as also of the
Rajkot answer and my reply thereto.
For me Rajkot has become a moral issue of tremendous im-
portance. I am sure you recognize it and will give me all the
help you can.
I am.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives
of India
' This was originally published in Sarvodaya, a monthly organ of Gandhi
Seva Sangh.
^ Vide “Telegram to Private Secretary to the Viceroy”, p. 445 and
“Statement to the Press”, pp. 449-52.
447
517. LETTER TO AKBAR HTDARP
Segaon, Wardha,
Eebruary 25, 1939
DEAR SIR AKBAR,
I am obliged to you for your two letters of the 16th and
one of the 21st inst.
About the State Congress, for the time being, we must agree
to differ. You will have seen my advice^ to the State Congress.
In order to make assurance double sure I enclose herewith the
relevant cutting. You will have also seen the manifesto of the
State Congress accepting my advice. I suppose you will say
even that is not enough. I am hoping, however, that some day
you will see eye to eye with me and release the State Congress
prisoners and let the organization function normally.
As to Mahatma Narayanswami I realize what you say and I
am glad that I referred the matter to you.^ I am now trying
to persuade my informants to correct the mistake they have
made, I hope, quite unconsciously.
With reference to your letters about the prisoners I am un-
able to agree with you that ghee is a luxury. But I am going to
bear your suggestion in mind and must think out the name of
someone whom I can ask to visit your jails.
I am glad you are restored to health and that you are work-
ing at the proposed reforms which I hope will answer the time
spirit.
Tours sincerely,
M. K. Gandhi
From a photostat: C.W. 10098. Courtesy: Government of Andhra
Pradesh
* A photostat of the letter was displayed at the Andhra Pradesh Pavilion
at Gandhi Darshan Exhibition held in New Delhi in 1969-70.
2 Vide pp. 242-4.
2 Vide p. 439.
448
518. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS^
Eebruary 25, 1939
The following wires have been exchanged between the First
Member^ of the Rajkot State Council and myself:^
Hear satyagraha prisoners Rajkot jail fasting. For Sar-
dhar prisoners said to be inhumanly treated. Could you
enlighten me? — Gandhi (dated 20-2-’39).
Your telegram. Personally visited Sardhar yesterday. No truth
absolutely whatsoever regarding ill-treatment to prisoners. First Member
of Council (dated 21-2-’39).
Thanks wire. You are silent about hunger-strike. Have
again long wire about atrocities which difficult to disbelieve.
Every day urge growing that I should myself plunge. Agony of
Ruler’s breach of faith, coupled with growing tales of terrorism,
becoming unbearable. Have no desire embarrass Thakore
Saheb or Council. Would like you listen to voice of old man
claiming to be Rajkot’s friend. — Gandhi (dated 22-2-’39).
Absolutely no truth in allegations of ill-treatment to Sardhar prison-
ers. Whole thing nothing but fabrication. Regular programme of daily
diet, bedding, etc., nearly on same lines as Rajkot arranged. Written in-
formation to above effect given to prisoners on hunger-strike in local jail
by me. In spite of these they unreasonably insist continue fasting.
Assure you everything humanly possible being done give fair treatment.
Please have no anxiety. — First Member (dated 23-2-’39).
If all reports are fabrication, it is serious for me and
co-workers. If there is substance in them, it is serious reflec-
tion on the State authorities. Meanwhile, the hunger-strike
continues. My anxiety is unbearable. Therefore, propose
start for Rajkot tomorrow night taking with me medical at-
tendant, secretary and typist. I come in search of truth and
as peacemaker.
Have no desire to court arrest. I want to see things
for myself and shall make ample amends if my co-workers
* This was also published in Harijan, 4-3-1939, under the heading
“Gandhiji’s Statement on Rajkot”.
^ Khan Bahadur Fateh Mohammed Khan
^ None of the telegrams quoted here are available from any other source.
449
68-29
450
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
have been guilty of fabrication. I shall also plead with Tha-
kore Saheb to repair breach of faith with his people. I shall
ask people to avoid demonstrations and am asking Sardar,
pending my effort in Rajkot, to suspend satyagraha by per-
sons in Rajkot or from outside.’ If by any chance Thakore
Saheb and Council can restore pact intact, subject to adjust-
ment of members, and prisoners are immediately set free and
fines restored, I naturally cancel my proposed departure.
You can send official with full authority to negotiate adjust-
ment as to personnel. Majority of Sardar’s nominees will be
a condition. May God guide Thakore Saheb and his Coun-
cillors. May I expect express wire? — Gandhi (dated 24-2- ’39).
Since your telegram you must have received information that hunger-
strike has been discontinued since last night having no justification, as
telegram sent to you by Nanalal Jasani and Mohanlal Gadhadawala must
have convinced you. His Highness does not consider there has been any
breach of faith on his part and is only anxious that representative Com-
mittee appointed by him should be able to start working in calm atmos-
phere, so that he may be in a position to introduce as soon as possible
such reforms as may be found by him to be required after fully consider-
ing the Committee’s recommendations. His Highness feels sure that in
the circumstances explained, you will appreciate that no useful purpose
could be served by your coming here now. He wishes once again to
assure you that no atrocities or terrorism have been or will be allowed.
— First Member (dated 24-2-’39).
Your wire is no answer to my heart-felt entreaty. I leave
for Rajkot today on my mission of peace. — Gandhi (dated
25-2-’39).
These wires tell their own tale. I am glad the fast is bro-
ken. That certainly removes one cause of anxiety. But the charge
of fabrication abides. I know personally many of the workers
in Rajkot. They and I must make full reparation if they
have resorted to falsehood in order to make out a case of atroci-
ties against the authorities. The struggle in Rajkot, as in other
States, is part of the struggle for the liberation of India. Mutual
mud-flinging cannot advance the cause. Truth must be ascertained.
The telegram of the First Member denies the charge of
breach of faith. It baffles me. I do not know what is meant by the
denial. The notification announcing the pact and the notification
’ On February 25, Vallabhbhai Patel issued a statement suspending the
satyagraha.
STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 451
announcing the breach with Sardar Patel are clearly contradictory
as one reads the plain language of the two.
I have suggested that the Resident at Rajkot is responsible for
the breach.* I have been told that I have been hasty in bring-
ing this charge and that there is another side. If there is, it is
my duty to know it. I shall make it a point to seek an inter-
view with him and if I find that I have done an injustice to
him, I shall tender a public apology. I feel that it is wrong
on my part to allow the sufferings to continue in the midst of
mutual recriminations. The least I can do is to go to Rajkot
and find out the truth and invite the Thakore to repair what is
a palpable breach of faith, unless I discover that the repudiation
of this charge is somehow justified.
If the statements made by the workers about atrocities are
true, there must be found a way of avoiding such exhibitions of
man’s worst passions. He must be helped against himself, if it is
at all possible. It is part of the struggle for liberty, if it is non-
violent, to reclaim even the goondas, whether they are to be found
among the people or those in authority. By going to Rajkot, I
want to exert myself to the utmost of my capacity and find
out the way of dealing with the goonda element in society. In
this respect Rajkot is a test case. I go to Rajkot because I am
the same friend of the States that I have always claimed to be.
It hurts me that by force of circumstances, all of which per-
haps I do not know, the Ruler of Rajkot has been made to
break his word given to his people. I hold that it is the duty of
the Princes of Kathiawar, if not of all India, and their advisers
to help to rectify the wrong, if it is done. An honourable mutual
understanding is impossible if faith becomes a valueless article.
Life to me becomes a burden when I find myself witness to a
breach of faith, as I happen to be in this case. Let it be recall-
ed that I was the author of the drafts that the Ruler of Rajkot
signed with but a slight modification. I know that Sardar Vallabh-
bhai Patel left no stone unturned to ensure that it was signed
with the fullest understanding.
As I go to Rajkot purely as a messenger of peace, I have
asked Sardar Patel to suspend the Rajkot civil resistance whilst,
under Clod’s guidance, I make the humble effort to end the
agony. The public will please remember that I am an invalid
so far as the body is concerned. They will avoid demonstrations
’ Vide pp. 346-8 and 365-7.
^ Vide “Draft of Statement for Thakore Saheb of Rajkot”, p. 135.
452 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
at the stations. In Rajkot the citizens will carry out the instruc-
tions of the State authorities during the suspension period. I
shall need freedom from turmoil during my negotiations. I want
the silent prayers of all who believe in them. Though Rajkot
is a tiny place on the map of India, the principle for the vindica-
tion of which I go to Rajkot is one without which society must
disintegrate.
The Hindu, 25-2-1939
519. LETTER TO MANUAL GANDHI
Segaon, Wardha,
February 25j26, 1939
CHI. MANILAL,
I received your letter yesterday. How good you are at
deciphering! And Schlesinl Why did you not read ‘M. A.’ ins-
tead of ‘ma’ ? Where was there any talk of sending a woman ?
I have acted on the advice of Schlesin. The person who was
to be sent is the brother-in-law of Nirmala, Mahadev’s sister.
You should have sent a cable to ask.
February 26, 1939
However, I hope that Mahadev has written to you all the
details. Even if he has not, you now know them. If you cannot
pay his salary there, there is provision for payment from here. He
can take up the work in Gujarati, English, etc. Your burden will
be reduced. Cable to me about what you wish to do now. If
you do get the permission to call him, wire accordingly.
Mr. Kallenbach has recovered now. He has to be careful,
however. I am leaving for Rajkot. Don’t worry about it. I
hope to return only after solving the problem. I am going at
God’s command. I shall act according to His directions. Ba is
fine. Don’t worry about the Congress. It is enough if you can
remain absorbed in your work.
Pyarelal, Sushila and Kanaiyo are accompanying me. Rami,
Manu, etc., had come to see me. Rajkumari is at Segaon.
Blessings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4895
520. QUESTION OF HONOUR
On my way to Rajkot, going via Bombay, I have to wait
a whole day for the Kathiawar mail. I am passing the time in
writing for Harijan. And I read the following note:
Ramdurg — a small State in the Bombay-Karnatak, area 169 sq. miles,
population 33,997, revenue Rs. 2,69,000 — was hard hit by famine and
scarcity conditions, and also depression due to fall in prices for some years
past. On 20th March 1938 some agriculturists from villages gathered
together in front of the palace and requested the Rajasaheb to grant
some concessions in respect of land revenue. It was alleged on behalf
of those assembled at the Palace that they were dispersed by lathi
charge by the Ramdurg police. On the other hand these allegations
were denied by the State authorities. It seems that no definite demands
were made on behalf of the people, nor was there any organization to
speak for them. Some time later some of the people of the State
approached Shri Yalgi, a Congressman and one of the Secretaries of the
Karnatak Provincial Congress Committee, and requested him to visit
Ramdurg and see the situation for himself. Accordingly, Shri Yalgi
visited Ramdurg in April and advised the people there to organize a
committee to place their demands before the authorities. In accordance
with his advice, a body named Ramdurg Sansthan Praja Sangh was estab-
lished and on its behalf demands were formulated and submitted to the
Rajasaheb.
A Conference of Deccan States’ People took place at Sangli on 22nd
May 1938, presided over by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. He left Sangli
on the 22nd. But the Conference continued under the presidentship of
Shri Gangadharrao Deshpande.
On the 23 rd, the question of Ramdurg was taken up and it was
decided that a committee, consisting of(l) Shri Gangadharrao Deshpande,
President, K. P. C. C., (2) Shri Shankarrao Deo, Member of the Congress
Working Committee, (3) Shri Munoli, President, Ramdurg Praja Sangh,
(4) Shri Kanabur, Secretary of Deccan States People’s Conference, (5)
Shri Andaneppa Doddameti, M. L. A., (6) Shri K. S. Patil, M. L. A., (7)
Shri Ari, Pleader, Hubli, a subject of the State, was appointed to
investigate and report on the Ramdurg affair. In the mean time the
Ramdurg Durbar, on their own initiative, had issued a proclamation and
announced certain concessions. But the people were not satisfied with these
concessions and the agitation was assuming a serious turn. . . .
453
454
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Then on the 5th June 1938 the Committee appointed at Sangli visited
Ramdurg and instituted an enquiry. It was felt by the Committee and
also by the prominent representatives of the Ramdurg Praja Sangh
that a mere enquiry and report would not serve the purpose. There-
fore the latter requested the Committee to bring about a settlement in
respect of the demands which were submitted to the Ramdurg Durbar.
The matter was discussed for two hours and on the 6th of June Shri
Deo was entrusted with the sole authority of settling the differences.
Shri Deo, in accepting the responsibility, made clear to the people all the
implications of what they were doing. Shri Deo, on behalf of the Com-
mittee, formulated the demands and submitted them to the Rajasaheb.
After some discussions the matter was postponed at the desire of the
Rajasaheb. However, most of the suggestions, with slight modifications,
were conceded by the Rajasaheb. Shri Deshpande wrote to the Sardar as
to what had happened. He also informed him of the demands of the
Praja Sangh and the offer of Rajasaheb. In reply, Sardar wrote to Shri
Deshpande on the 11th June 1938 to say that the terms offered by
Rajasaheb could not be improved upon, that they were quite good and
that the people should be advised to accept them.
Though Shri Deo was entrusted with full powers to negotiate and
settle the terms, he on the 21st June 1938 took Shri Munoli and all the
members of the Managing Committee of the Praja Sangh into confidence,
and after long discussion secured their assent to the terms settled between
himself and Rajasaheb. The members of the Committee appointed by
the Sangli Conference with the exception of Shri Shastri, who was absent,
also agreed. The acceptance of the terms was communicated to Raja-
saheb. The same evening durbar was held in the palace to which the
President and representatives of the Praja Sangh and leading men of
Ramdurg were invited. The Rajasaheb in his opening speech surveyed
the history of his rule and gave the outlines of the terms of settlement.
The Dewan, Rao Bahadur Pradhan, then read out the proclamation
embodying the terms of the settlement. Thereupon the President of the
Praja Sangh, on behalf of the Sangh, thanked the Rajasaheb in suitable
terms. After the durbar was over, Shri Deo and others went to the
public meeting. The meeting was attended by more than 12,000 persons.
The President of the Praja Sangh presided. When Shri Gangadharrao
Deshpande was explaining the terms of the settlement, a slight disturbance
was noticed in one corner of the meeting. It was ascertained that they
belonged to Sureban and were weavers. Shri Andaneppa Doddameti went
to that corner and successfully tried to restore peace. After Shri Desh-
pande, Shri Andaneppa spoke for more than one hour and fully ex-
plained all the details of the terms and defended them very vigorously.
He carried conviction to the audience and concluded his speech amongst
QUESTION OF HONOUR
455
enthusiastic cheers. Shri Deo also made a short speech asking people to
organize and strengthen their position by working the reforms granted.
Shri Munavalli, the President in his concluding speech, which was very
touching, defended all the terms settled and asked the audience whether
they had confidence in him. The audience with one voice replied in the
affirmative. He then asked them to accept the terms and they assented.
At the conclusion of the meeting a paper, containing the terms of the
settlement, was brought to the President for his signature by an officer of
the State. Shri Munavalli, the President, again asked the audience
whether he should sign it and with concurrence of not only the large
audience but of the representatives of the Praja Sangh, signed the docu-
ment.
The Council of the Karnatak Provincial Congress Committee passed
the following resolution:
“The Council congratulates the people of Ramdurg, Jamkhandi,
Miraj Sr. and Jr. and Mudhol for the success they have achieved in
their struggle for redress of their grievances and trusts that they will
strengthen their organizations by non-violent and peaceful means for the
attainment of full responsible government in the near future.
“This Council expresses its sense of appreciation of the Rulers of the
above States for readily responding to the demands of their subjects and
trusts that the terms of the settlement will be implemented by both the
portions without delay. It also requests the Rulers of all the States in
Karnatak to follow the liberal policy followed by the above-mentioned States.
“This Council, however, notes with extreme pain that anti-propaganda
is being carried on by some people and especially by some Congressmen on
the plea that the settlement was arrived at by the efforts of prominent
Congress leaders between the people and the Prince of Ramdurg. This
Council while requesting them not to carry on anti-propaganda is definitely
of opinion that the good of the people will advance only by standing by
the settlement.”
I have omitted some part irrelevant for my purpose. It
appears that an attempt is now being made on behalf of the
Ramdurg Praja Sangh to terrorize the Ruler into making further
concessions' . He refrains from taking action against the mischief-
mongers for fear of losing Congress sympathy. The question I
am asked is, “What are Congressmen involved in the settlement
to do?” Assuming the correctness of my information, my un-
equivocal answer is that they have to keep at any cost the plight-
ed word of the Provincial Committee. I am going to Rajkot to
entreat H. H. the Thakore Saheb of Rajkot to keep his word.
' Vide also Vol. LXIX, “Popular Violence in Ramdurg”, 24-4-1939.
456
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The breach, as I interpret his action, has shaken me to my depths.
I can think of no other answer with regard to the Congress.
Rajkot represents the Princely order. Its shame or credit would
be the shame or credit of the whole order. If a representative
Congressman breaks his word, the reputation of the whole Cong-
ress is at stake. How much more so, if a Provincial Congress
Committee cannot redeem its word? The Congress claims to
represent the whole nation. Its transactions must be above re-
proach.
In these days of awakening, all kinds of forces must rise up.
Demands, even extravagant, will be made by new additions to
the Congress. If they are in excess of Congress commitments
and if the Congress credit is to go up day after day, they must
be checked. I do not know what the Ramdurg Praja Sangh
claims. It may be that the claim is intrinsically sound. But
they cannot enforce it by rowdyism and threats even before the
ink is dry on the settlement paper. The representative Congress-
men in Karnatak have to stand by the Ramdurg Chief and see
that the settlement is honoured by the people even though in
battling with them they should lose their lives.
Bombay, February 26, 1939
Harijan, 4-3-1939
521. KHADI di' FAMINE RELIEF
This letter' shows conclusively what a relief khadi is to
famine areas. Those, therefore, who buy relief khadi help the
famine-stricken and themselves. In addition they give not
doles but wages and these at khadi market rates for spinning
which are higher than for any other relief work. I hope, therefore,
that this appeal will receive a generous response from the public.
Bombay, February 26, 1939
Harijan, 4-3-1939
* Not reproduced here. The correspondent had said that because of
drought and failure of crops in certain taluks of Coimbatore district, the
farmers there had taken up spinning and so there was a surplus stock of khadi
in Tamil Nadu. He had requested Gandhiji to appeal to the readers of
Harijan to buy the khadi produced in the drought-hit areas.
522. IS IT NON-VIOLENT?
Below is an extract from a letter from a teacher in the Anna-
malai University:^
Some time in November last, a group of five or six students organi-
zedly assaulted the secretary of University Union, a fellow student.
Shri Srinivasa Sastri, the Vice-Chancellor, took a serious view of it
and punished the leader of the group with expulsion from the Univer-
sity and the rest with suspension till the end of this academic year.
Some sympathizers and friends of these punished students wanted to
abstain from attending classes and strike work. . . .
The next day, about 20 per cent of the students stayed away from
the classes; the remaining 80 per cent attended the classes as usual. I
may add, the strength of this University is about 800.
The student who was expelled next day came inside the hostel to
direct the strike. Finding the strike unsuccessful he adopted other
methods in the evening, as for example, bodily lying across the four
main outlets from the hostel, locking some gates of the hostel, locking
up some of the young boys inside their own rooms. ... In this way
in the afternoon, the rest of the students were prevented from coming
outside the hostel gates by fifty or sixty people.
The authorities thus finding the gates closed wanted to make an open-
ing in the fencing. But when they started pulling down the fence with
the help of servants of the University, the strikers prevented the other
students from passing through the breaches to attend college. . . .
The authorities finding the situation unmanageable requested the
police to remove the expelled student from the hostel premises . . .
which the police did. This naturally irritated some more of the students
who began to show sympathy with the strikers. . . . Shri Srinivasa
Sastri then closed down the University for a long vacation of Ij months
from November 29th to January 16th. He gave a statement to the
Press appealing to the students to come back from home in a chastened
and happier mood for study.
But the college reopened with renewed activities on the part of
the strikers who had extra advice during the vacation from . .
^ Only extracts from the quotation are reproduced here.
^ Omission as in the source
457
458 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
They went to Rajaji, it appears, but he asked them to obey the Vice-
Chancellor, and declined to interfere. . . .
The picketing is still going on. . . . The strikers are about 35 to
45 in number. They have got about 50 sympathizers who dare not
come into the open and strike with them, but from within they create
trouble. Every day they come in a body and lie down in front of
entrances to classes, and on the stairs leading to classes on the first
floor and thus prevent the students from entering the classes. But the
teachers shift from place to place and hold classes before the picketers
can reach there. . . .
Yesterday there was a new development. The strikers came into
the classes, rolled on the floor and uttered shouts. Some strikers, I
heard, began writing on blackboards before the teacher could come.
If any teachers are known to be meek, some of the strikers try to inti-
midate them also. In fact they threatened the Vice-Chancellor with
‘violence and bloodshed’, if he did not accede to their demands.
One other important point I ought to tell you is that the strikers
get help from some outsiders, employ goondas to enter the University
premises and disturb the work there. . . .
Now the point I am driving at is this: We have all been feeling, i.e.,
several teachers and a large number of students, that these activities are
not truthful and non-violent and so are against the spirit of satyagraha.
I learn reliably that some of the striker students persist in calling this
non-violent. They say that if Mahatmaji declares this to be violent they
will stop these activities.
The letter is dated 17th February and addressed to Kaka-
saheb Kalelkar whom the teacher knows intimately. The portion
not printed by me seeks Kakasaheb’s opinion whether the conduct
of the students can be called non-violent and deplores the attitude
of unruliness which has become rampant among so many students
in India.
The letter gives the names of those who are inciting the strik-
ers to persist in their behaviour. On the publication of my
opinion^ on the strike, someone, presumably a student, sent me
an angry telegram saying that the behaviour of the strikers is
perfectly non-violent. Assuming the correctness of the version
reproduced by me, I have no hesitation in saying that the atti-
tude of the students is essentially violent. Surely, if someone
blocks the passage to my house, his action is violence just as
much as if he pushed me bodily from the doorstep.
' Vide “Statement to the Press”, pp. 444-5.
TELEGRAM TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ 459
If students have a real grievance against their teachers, they
may have the right to strike and even picket their school or col-
lege but only to the extent of politely warning the unwary from
attending their classes. They could do so by speaking or by dis-
tributing leaflets. But they may not obstruct the passage or use
any coercion against those who do not want to strike. And
the students have struck against whom? Shri Srinivasa Sastriar
is one of India’s best scholars. He had become renowned as a
teacher before many of the students were born or were in
their teens. Any university in the world will be proud to have
him as Vice-Chancellor as well for the greatness of his learning
as for the nobility of his character.
If the writer of the letter to Kakasaheb has given an accu-
rate account of the happenings in the Annamalai University, Sas-
triar’s handling of the situation seems to me to have been quite
correct. In my opinion the strikers are harming themselves by
their conduct. I belong to the old school which believed in rev-
erence for teachers. I can understand not going to a school for
whose teachers I have no regard. But I cannot understand dis-
respect towards or vilification of my teachers. Such conduct is
ungentlemanly, and all ungentlemanliness is violence.
Bombay, February 26, 1939
Harijan, 4-3-1939
523. TELEGRAM TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ
Rajkot,
February 26, 1939
RADHAKRISHNA BaJAJ
Jaipraja
Agra
NO HARTAL JAIPUR CITY.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 214
524. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAT
Eebruary 26, 1939
You must not be anxious. I miss you on this journey. I
am going there as God is taking me there. Within me is joy,
hope. Who knows if the prospect is no more than a mirage? I
know that I will not return from Rajkot with hope blasted.
Harijan, 11-3-1939
525. LETTER TO SATISH D. KALELKAR?
Eebruary 26, 1939
CHI. SHANKER^,
I had no time to reply to your letter. I liked it. Chandan is
quiet and happy. It should be sufficient that she has been proved
innocent, that is, truthful. We should not be interested in proving
a person guilty. So long as H.‘* does not admit his guilt, it does not
seem fair to give a final verdict about him. Ninety-nine per cent he
is no longer innocent. I think now he will not indulge in backbiting
against you. Doing anything more will be like killing a man who is
already down. It will be good if you can forget this incident. I
should like it even better if you can see that my viewpoint is correct.
Take care of your health.
Poor Chandan came here to go to Rajkot. I feel as if I was
going there on her behalf. I am writing this in the train.
Chandan is accompanying me. She will go to Bhavnagar from
Viramgam. There she will wait and watch.
What Chandan has written above was really my test. I
wanted to see whether she would respond to my advice or not.
She may be said to have scored 33j per cent marks in the test.
Blessings from
Bapu
From Gujarati: C.W. 949. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar
^ Extracted from Mahadev Desai’s “A God-given Fast”. The letter, which
was presumably in Gujarati, is not available from any other source.
^ This was written below a letter Chandanbehn wrote to the addressee,
whom she later married.
^ Son ofD. B. Kalelkar, who later changed his name to ‘Satish’.
The name has been omitted.
460
526. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
Eebrmry 27, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
The journey up to now has been quite pleasant and unevent-
ful. This is being written at Viramgam. You bore yourself bravely
on parting. The same bravery must continue. It is strange
that responsibility for the secretariat work should rest solely upon
you so suddenly. You had not bargained for it. You will expect
a wire from Rajkot either today or tomorrow.
You will keep well both in body and mind.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C.W. 3903. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7212
527. LETTER TO MIRABEHN
Viramgam,
Eebrmry 27, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
We reach Rajkot about 2.50 p. m. Train going, so good-bye.
Love.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6429. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10024
528. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAT
Eebrmry 27 , 1939
How mysterious are the ways of God! This journey to Raj-
kot is a wonder even to me. Why am I going, whither am I
going? What for? I have thought nothing about these things.
And if God guides me, what should I think, why should I think?
Even thought may be an obstacle in the way of His guidance.^
' Extracted from, Mahadev Desai’s “A God-given Fast”. The letter, which
was presumably in Gujarati, is not available from any other source.
^ For Shri Ramana Maharshi’s comments on this, vide Appendix V.
461
462 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
The fact is it takes no effort to stop thinking. The thoughts
do not come. Indeed there is no vacuum — but I mean to say that
there is no thought about the mission.
Harijan, 25-3-1939
529. INTERVIEW TO THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
February 27, 1939
A few minutes prior to his arrival at Rajkot, Mahatma Gandhi told the
Associated Press special correspondent travelling with him that he had no
specific plans with regard to his “mission of peace in Rajkot”.
Asked how long he would be at Rajkot, Mahatma Gandhi said:
I really don’t know how long I will be here. I have to be
here till I finish my work.
(question: Does that mean that you will not be able to go to Tripuri
Congress ?
answer: Well, if my work in Rajkot detains me, I am
afraid I will not be able to go to Tripuri.
On being told that despite the suspension of satyagraha in Rajkot State
the authorities have continued the arrests and the auctioning of houses for the
purpose of recovering fines, Mahatma Gandhi said:
I myself heard of an instance just now in the train. If this
is true, it is most unfortunate.
The Hindustan Times, 28-2-1939
530. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR
Rajkot,
February 27 , 1939
Rajkumari
Maganwadi
Wardhaganj
BORE JOURNEY WELL. TALKS BEGUN. LOVE. LAST
SENT TELEGRAM FIRST MEMBER NOT RECEIVED HERE.
INQUIRE.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 3902. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7211
531. TELEGRAM TO MIRABEHN
Rajkot,
Eebruary 27, 1939
Mirabehn
Care Badshahkhan
Charsadda
BORE JOURNEY WELL. TALKS BEGUN. LOVE.
Bapu
From the original: C.W. 6430. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10025
532. INTERVIEW TO THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Eebruary 27, 1939
I am a born optimist. I hope that as a result of my visit
to Rajkot there will be an honourable settlement.
I had a friendly exchange of views with Khan Saheb Fateh
Mahomed and Durbar Virawala. They have offered me full facil-
ities to visit the jails and see prisoners and also to visit the vil-
lages. I am seeing the prisoners tomorrow afternoon. The Mus-
lims and Garasias (landholders) have asked for an appointment
and I expect to meet them tomorrow.
The negotiations are likely to take a few days. Although I
am most anxious to attend the Tripuri Congress, I am afraid work
in Rajkot will take me some time.
The Hindustan Times, 28-2-1939
533. INTERVIEW TO “THE HINDW^
Eebruary 27, 1939
... I do not know how long I may stay here. I have no
ready plan. I desire to study the situation and interview the
Ruler and Mr. Gibson and do my best to restore the Pact
between the Administration and the Praja Parishad. I am doubt-
ful of my visit to Tripuri. If I finish my mission in time, I
shall go to Tripuri. Otherwise I may have to miss it.
The Hindu, 27-2-1939
463
534. TELEGRAM TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ^
[On or after February 27, 1939]
HARTAL SHOULD BE ABANDONED WHEN VICEROY ENTERS.
BUT YOU MUST BE FINAL JUDGES.
Bapu
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 215
535. TALK TO REPRESENTATIVES OF MUSLIM
COUNCIL OF ACTION^
February 28, 1939
But surely, you do not mean to ask for separate electorate
without reservation of seats? The former without the latter
would be meaningless. You must, therefore, have that too.
Having made that unilateral offer, may I take the liberty of tell-
ing you that if you chose to represent your interests through the
Parishad, the latter would be bound to safeguard your religion
and culture and protect every legitimate Muslim interest? But I
agree that so long as the atmosphere is vitiated with mutual distrust
and suspicion you are entitled to ask for and have separate re-
presentation.
Harijan, 25-3-1939
* This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram of February ’ll , 1939,
which read: “Received. Jaipur hartal spontaneous and continues in connection
Viceroy visit. We favour hartal. Wire if you disapprove.”
^ Extracted from Pyarelal’s “The Rajkot Fast”. Pyarelal says: “The
representatives of the Muslim Council of Action met him at 7 a. m. They
told him that during the last civil disobedience struggle in Rajkot the Muslim
community had given its passive support to the movement. Gandhiji at the
very outset of the conversation set them at their ease by telling them that
he would gladly agree to have their two nominees on the committee. They
also insisted on separate electorate. He conceded that too.”
464
536. DISCUSSIOJV WITH DEPUTATION
OF GARASIA MANDAD
February 28, 1939
As in the case of the Muslim Deputation, Gandhiji set them completely
at their ease by telling them at the very start that they would have their
one nominee on the Committee. In reply to further questions on their part,
he told them that if they expected to be confirmed for all time in all the
privileges that they had up till now enjoyed, they were doomed to disappoint-
ment. That was neither right nor feasible. If the condition of India’s count-
less destitute masses was to be ameliorated, the privileged class shall have to
divest itself of some of its privileges in favour of Daridranarayana. If the Gara-
sias would only understand the spirit of the times, become one with the toiling
masses and make the latter’s interests their own, their legitimate interests would
be safeguarded. He would therefore give them the advice he had given to
the Princes, viz., to make themselves true servants of the people and not want
to ride on their backs. They should hold their wealth as a trust to be used
wisely in the interest of the people. They were entitled to a reasonable emolu-
ment for themselves but only in return for service rendered.
“We are bitterly attacked by a certain section of Congressmen, we are
even called names. Would not you protect us?”
You should know that there is today in the Congress a con-
siderable and growing section that wants to do away with all
vested interests altogether, because they have no faith in the
possibility of their conversion. My capacity to protect you will,
therefore, entirely depend on your willingness to adopt and live
up to the ideal of trusteeship that I have placed before you. I
would not be able to help you unless you co-operate with me.
Harijan, 25-3-1939
Extracted from Pyarelal’s “The Rajkot Fast”
465
68-30
537. INTERVIEW TO ^‘THE HINDU’^
Rajkot,
Eebruary 28, 1939
Gandhiji in an interview stated that the day began with a cordial ex-
change of views with representatives of Muslims.*
After the meeting with the Muslim representatives, I went to
the Resident’s bungalow, and there was a very friendly conversation
between us two. At 2 p. m. I met representatives of the Garasia
Association with whom also I had a cordial talk.^ Later I visited
the jails of the State in the company of Col. Daly, Lt. Col.
Aspinal and Khan Saheb Fateh Mahomed Ahmed, who were all
present at the interviews with the prisoners. At Rajkot Jail, I
met men and women satyagrahi prisoners for an hour and then
drove to Sardhar Jail where I spent an hour and a half.
Asked about his impressions of his talks with prisoners in the two jails,
Gandhiji refused to commit himself to any definite opinion until he had had a
discussion with Khan Saheb Fateh Mahomed. Gontinuing, Gandhiji said:
From the Sardhar Jail, I went to Tromba where I met Kas-
turba, Mridulabehn and Manibehn. I had my meal there. On
returning to the capital, I went to the Thakore Saheb and spent
nearly an hour and a half with him.
Replying to a question about the chances of his going to Tripuri, Gandhiji
said:
I Still entertain the hope that there will be an honourable
settlement, and I am making desperate efforts to go to Tripuri as
early as possible. It is, however, difhcult for me to say whether
I will be able to leave before the week-end.
The Hindu, 1-3-1939
* Vide p. 464.
^ Vide the preceding item.
466
ADDENDA
1. LETTER TO SAMPURNANAND
Segaon, Wardha,
January 1, 1939
BHAI SAMPURNANANDJI,
Dr. Zakir Husain was here with me for a few days. He
has prepared a memorandum on the Hindu-Muslim question. I
send you the portion concerned with U.P.^ I like the suggestions
he makes. Please go through it and implement what it is possible
to implement. If you wish, you may write direct to Dr. Zakir
Husain. I have known him for many years. He is a good man.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From the Hindi original: Sampurnanand Papers. Courtesy: National
Archives of India
2. LETTER TO PRABHU DATAL VIDTARTHI
Bardoli,
January 7, 1939
CHI. PRABHU DAYAL,
I have your letter. I hope your feet are all right now.
I wrote a letter regarding what you had said about Basti
and the matter has been fully investigated. I even received a
reply from there. Ask me about it when we return. I will show
you the letter if it is lying somewhere.
Blesssings from
Bapu
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 11688
^ In this Zakir Husain had suggested Government help being extended to
the various Muslim educational institutions in U. P. He had also recommended
that assistance should be provided to libraries and societies doing literary work
in Urdu.
467
3. LETTER TO SAMPURNANAND
[After February 2, 1939Y
BHAI SAMPURNANANDJI,
I received your letter but could not acknowledge it promp-
tly. I hope you have also written to Dr. Zakir Husain what
you wrote to me.
Your letter regarding the flag and Bande Mataram was re-
ceived at a time when I was travelling. What you have said
in it is correct. I am working on the same lines.
The problem of those who have entered Councils is becom-
ing difficult day by day. But after all it is nothing but a symp-
tom of the malaise. I see clearly that the Congress is going
downward each day. Selfishness, infighting, untruth and violence
have crept into the Congress and are on the increase. I fear we
are destroying ourselves because of our inner failures. Let us see
what God wills.
Tours,
M. K. Gandhi
From the Hindi original: Sampurnanand Papers. Courtesy: National
Archives of India
* This letter seems to be connected with that written to the addressee on
1-1-1939. Gandhiji returned to Segaon on this date.
468
APPENDICES
APPENDIX I>
COLD-BLOODED BREACH OF A SOLEMN COVENANT
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel issued the following statement on January 25th:
It is with the deepest regret that I have to announce resumption of the
struggle in Rajkot which seemed to have ended so happily. Resumption has
become a duty in order to vindicate the honour of the State and the self-respect
of the people of Rajkot.
The public will recall that the settlement announced in the Rajkot State
Gazette of 26th December was a result of discussions between the Thakore
Saheb and his Council consisting of Sir Patrick Cadell, Rao Saheb Maneklal
Patel and Shri J. Jobanputra. The discussions which took place on the even-
ing of December 25th lasted for nearly eight hours ending at 1.42 a.m. On
the day of the settlement the Thakore Saheb gave me the following note:
Amarsinhji Secretariat, Rajkot State,
December 26, 1938
It is agreed that seven members of the Committee mentioned in
Clause 2 of the State announcement of today’s date are to be recommended
by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and they are to be nominated by us.
(Sd.) Dharmendrasinh
Thakore Saheb, Rajkot
It should be remembered that I had gone to Rajkot at the Thakore
Saheb’s invitation.
Soon after the settlement Sir Patrick Cadell retired. . . .
I must state with the greatest reluctance that the Thakore Saheb has
been ill served by those who have eaten his salt. Among the worst of these
advisers has been Durbar Virawala who has ruined the State and drained it
empty by his hopeless mismanagement. He has cast a spell over the Thakore
Saheb which the latter cannot resist even if he would. It was he who brought
Sir Patrick Cadell. When the latter realized that Durbar Virawala was
the evil genius of the State, almost his first act was to have him
banished from Rajkot with the help of the Agency. Sir Patrick Cadell might
not have been obliged to leave if he had not traded upon his prestige as a
member of the ruling race. Durbar Virawala would not brook the presence
of a Dewan who had brought about his banishment.
' Vide p. 346.
469
470
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Though he was banished he pulled the wires from Bagasra. His son
Bhojvala and his nephew Valeravala are still with the Thakore Saheb.
Realizing that he could not successfully resist the contemplated settlement, he
played the role of a friend and seemed to assist the settlement. Soon after the
settlement, when Sir Patrick Cadell was about to go. Durbar Virawala found
himself in Rajkot and began his operations which have never ceased. The
Resident’s note and the Political Agent’s note will be read with interest.
I needed a few days to enable me to select, in consultation with those who
were in charge of the movement, seven names of the committee that had to
be given in terms of the settlement. I sent the following seven names on the
4th January:
1. Shri Popatlal Dhanjibhai Malaviya
2. Shri Popatlal Purushottam Anada
3. Shri Mullan Valiji Abdulalli
4. Dr. D. J. Gajjar
5. Shri Jamnadas Khushalchand Gandhi
6. Shri Vrajlal Mayashanker Shukla
7. Shri Uchharangray Navalshanker Dhebar
Notification of the appointment of the committee should have followed
at once. But nothing happened for some days.
On the 28th December there was a consultation between the Resident
and the Thakore Saheb-in-Council. I have authentic notes of that interview
taken by one of those present. The remarks made by the Resident about the
Congress and me will be read with interest. He could not conceal his dislike
of the settlement, the Congress or me.
It seems that the Resident and Durbar Virawala are responsible for the
breach of the solemn undertaking the Thakore Saheb gave to his people. As
evidence of Durbar Virawala’s influence over the Thakore Saheb, the letter
of thanks received by me from him makes interesting reading.
It is necessary to compare the present one-sided arbitrary notification with
the one which was issued in terms of the settlement. The second notification
cancels four of my nominees. It also cancels the terms of reference and is
vague, whereas the first was precise. The former contemplates publication of
the report before the 31st instant and effect being given to it by the Thakore
Saheb. The latter fixes no time-limit for the report.
Before the last announcement I received a letter from Rao Saheb Manek-
lal Patel. It is noteworthy that whereas that letter had accepted four of my
nominees the notification has only three. To this I sent a reply in Gujarati
of which the translation will be found.
I had heard so much of Durbar Virawala’s influence on the Thakore
Saheb and his interference that I had to say in my said letter that Durbar
Virawala could not in any event be accepted on the committee. I wanted
no loophole left.
APPENDICES
471
This flagrant breach of a solemn settlement leaves but one course open
before the people of Rajkot. It now remains for me to invite the people of
Rajkot to resume the self-chosen course of suffering for vindicating their liberty
and saving Rajkot and the Thakore Saheb from utter ruin. It is best to anti-
cipate and provide for the worst. The worst that can happen is frightfulness
of the extreme type, including torture not unknown in Kathiawar and setting
up of internal quarrels. Of the latter we have evidence in inspired agitation
from some Muslim brethren. We have to show them by our conduct that
they have at least as much to gain as the rest of us by settled government
under their own control. Rajkot has been made bankrupt through hopeless
mismanagement and corruption. These dissensions, if they persist, can pro-
long the struggle, never defeat the end in view, if the people at large cohere,
show capacity for enduring suffering, no matter how great or protracted, and
also show capacity, in spite of pecuniary losses, for going through the items
of non-violent non-co-operation. On no account must students take part in
civil disobedience or strikes. They can and should do constructive work if
they believe in it. They can by house-to-house visits alleviate suffering which
is bound to be inevitable as the struggle proceeds.
Non-violence has to be observed in thought, word and deed. It has to
be observed as well among co-workers as with opponents and neutrals, as well
in the jail as outside it. The measure of our non-violence will be the measure
of our success. We must have faith in the possibility of our non-violence
turning the Thakore Saheb’s face in the direction of his people. Today he
is a Ruler in name only; it must hurt every one of his people to find the
young Prince committing a deliberate breach of the solemn covenant he
made with his people.
I have said seemingly bitter things about Durbar Virawala. But truth has
to be sometimes bitter and harsh. I have said nothing that I do not believe
about him. We must love him in spite of his glaring blemishes and expect
our love to convert him and those who are working under his influence and
direction.
I am sorry the Resident resents my intervention and the influence of the
Congress in shaping the policy and programme of the people of Rajkot. The
people of the States have always been guided by the Congress. They owe
allegiance to it. Indeed in the early stages the Princes also looked to the
Congress for its support. The Congress adopted the policy of non-intervention
in the sense of direct participation in the matters affecting questions arising
between the people and the Princes. This was nothing but recognition of the
limitations of the Congress. But when the people became conscious of their
strength and were prepared to suffer, the Congress would be untrue to its
mission if it failed to help them to the best of its ability. As for poor me I
happen to have been a President of the Kathiawar Rajkiya Parishad and as
such owe a duty to the people of Kathiawar as also to the Princes and dare
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
not refuse help when they need it. In Rajkot the people in the first instance
and then the Ruler sought my assistance which I claim has been unstintingly
given. I fail to see anything wrong in this or to be resented by the Resident
or the Imperial Power. This is a question which it would incidentally be
Rajkot’s proud privilege to be the cause of having decided.
For the time being the civil resistance will be confined to Kathiawaris
only. The people of Kathiawar are so inter-related that for practical pur-
poses it would be difficult to exclude any Kathiawar! from participation on
moral grounds.
THAKORE SAHEB’S LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Amarsinhji Secretariat,
Rajkot State,
December, 1938
MY DEAR SARDAR VALLABHBHAI,
Thanks for your note received just now.
I shall be delighted if you come and have tea with me at 5 p. m. today.
We shall then discuss the present question in presence of my Council
Members.
Tours sincerely,
Dharmendrasinh
LETTER FROM SIR PATRICK CAD ELL TO THAKORE SAHEB
Amarsinhji Secretariat,
Rajkot,
October 1, 1938
YOUR HIGHNESS,
I yesterday asked you to allow me to see you not later than 8 o’clock.
I had affairs of great importance to talk about. I suggested this late hour
though inconvenient to myself, in order to suit you. You sent your Private
Secretary to tell me that you would see me at 8.30. I was present at that
time and was told that you were in your bath. I waited till 9 o’clock, and
was told that you might be another quarter or half an hour late. I then left.
I now write to inform Your Highness that I have no intention of allow-
ing myself to be treated in this grossly discourteous manner. I had no idea
when I left England to help you that you would be capable of such behaviour.
I cannot allow it to be continued.
I had intended to tell you last night that in any case the present situa-
tion cannot go on. The condition of affairs in the State is very serious. Many
of the complaints against the State are based on your behaviour. It is believed
APPENDICES
473
that you spend too large a share of the State’s revenue, that most of your
expenditure is on unworthy objects, and that you take no part in the adminis-
tration of the State. I do not wish to make any reference at present either to
the amount of money you spend, or the way you spend it. But it is certainly
true that you take no part in the administration and show no interest in the
welfare of your people. This is all the more noticed because it is so different
from the system which your father followed. It is not fair to your officers to
expect them to bear the burden of repressive methods while you do nothing.
You must take some share. I therefore propose to you the following action.
(1) I understand that you are to take part in the yajna ceremony
at one, and perhaps two, of the temples this evening at 7.30. If there is time
for you to agree to this, I request that after you have done this, you will drive
through the city and that you will allow me to accompany you.
(2) The Huzur Office is closed today as it is a holiday, but it is open
on Monday. I suggest that you should promise on your word of honour to come
to the office on Monday, not later than 6 p. m. to hear petitioners for about
an hour.
I am sure that these two actions will have a good effect in the city.
I must also make a third request.
(3) Whenever I have to see you on any day, you will promise to see me
on that day not later than 7.30 p. m. and you will promise on your word of
honour not to be more than a quarter of an hour late.
If you are unable to accede to these suggestions, I shall be obliged to
inform the Hon. the Resident that I cannot carry on and that I propose to
return to England as soon as possible.
If I have to do so, I fear that this may have unfortunate consequences
both for your State and for yourself. I can assure you that the Government
of India are not likely to look with favour on your conduct. I should be sorry
if you were to suffer, but I cannot continue if Your Highness behaves like this.
I should be obliged if you would let me know before 5.30 this evening
whether Your Highness agrees to drive through the city this evening and to
allow me to accompany you.
Tours sincerely,
Patrick Cadell
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO SIR PATRICK CADELL
Confidential Ranjit Vilas Palace,
Rajkot,
October 2, 1938
DEAR SIR PATRICK,
I am exceedingly sorry to receive your letter of yesterday, and I must
say that I do not like the tone of it. I cannot accept that the complaints
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
against me are based on facts. The present agitation is only a wave spread
by the Congress for the initiation of responsible government in the States,
and I believe that to be the reason why they have selected Rajkot in Kathia-
war, as they have done with Mysore, Travancore, etc., as States in which
people already enjoy greater share of public liberties.
It was with a view to put down the situation that I had requisitioned
your services. I have still a wish to smoothen your task as much as possible
and will come to the office any day at my convenience after Dasera.
I strongly object to your remarks that if you have to go it may have
unfortunate consequences both for my State and myself, and that the Govern-
ment of India are not likely to look with favour on my conduct. In this con-
nection I must definitely let you understand that it is I who has appointed
you as my Dewan, and that if as a result of any disagreement with you I have to
ask you to be relieved, neither the Hon. the Resident nor H. E. the Viceroy
will have any cause to look upon me with disfavour. Whatever information you
may be able to gather with regard to my State and myself is made available
to you because you enjoy my confidence, and I need hardly say that you
cannot utilize any of my State records without my permission, and much
less against myself. Any information which the Hon. the Resident has thought
it necessary to receive about anything relating to my State has been sought
for through my Dewan, only if I am agreeable to give it. I might also tell
you that I have done nothing to lose any share of the confidence which I
enjoy both with the Hon. the Resident and H. E. the Viceroy to its fullest
extent. I would therefore wish you to reconsider your decision and express
your agreement to act in a manner consonant with my dignity and policy.
Tours sincerely,
Dharmendrasinh
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO SIR PATRICK CADELL
Rajkot,
October 16, 1938
dear sir PATRICK,
You are, I am sure, fully aware of the present situation. It has not
been improved in any way and so far as I can see it is getting worse every
day and has reached a climax by now. The other day when we called a
meeting we agreed to give the people certain concessions, but it failed to ease
the situation and bring about any desired result. I am myself getting con-
vinced that we failed to take proper steps at the proper time, which should
have removed my anxiety. The situation, in short, is decidedly getting out of
control and adding immensely to my troubles. The agitation is getting more
and more intense with little hope of its being brought under control in the
near future. My people feel and are led to believe that you have been sent by
APPENDICES
475
the Government and that I have lost the position which I had hitherto en-
joyed. They now refuse to extend to me the same love and loyalty which
they used to extend before your arrival. Nay they even seem to think and
carry the impression that not I but you are the Ruler.
I should say that though this feeling is not created by you but I must
say that anyway it is there which they are not in a mood to shake off obvi-
ously. Diwali holidays are drawing nearer and Ijaras must as usual be given
but the people have boycotted them. They are further determined to boycott
sales of grain also, and it is possible that no sale of grain could be made this
year due to their non-co-operation. This would mean a financial ruination of
the State and a crisis which had better be imagined than stated. This state of
things, I feel, I, as the Ruler, am bound to prevent at any cost or sacrifice in
the interests of the State and its subjects.
The people, as you know, have now adopted a defiant attitude and are
suffering. I must, therefore, see that this unfortunate situation must be thorough-
ly eased and some sort of definite settlement should be arrived at between them
and me at the earliest possible opportunity. I feel I am unable to do anything
in this matter so long as my people do not recognize me as their de facto Ruler.
As a well-wisher of the State you would also wish and agree that such state
of things should not be permitted to continue any more. It is therefore my
bounden duty to see that I must have my position as the real and benevolent
Ruler re-established in the eyes of my people, in order that I may be able
to carry conviction and settle with them and win their love and confidence.
I had asked D. S. Virawala to know your views in this matter. He
tells me that he saw you on the 13th instant and you told him that in your
view the fight should be continued as long as the State’s finances would per-
mit and we should see whether they or we would ultimately win.
Besides, your letter dated 1st October 1938 gives me to understand that
in so far as you are concerned you are definitely of the view that I am myself,
more or less, the cause of these troubles. I have denied the charges by my
reply. Considering the allegations made in your letter and your attitude, I
have little doubt in my mind that we would not be able to pull on together
in the interests of my State and its subjects and also my rights, dignity and
position of the Ruler, as nobody realizes the extremely disastrous situation
more than I do.
It is my definite desire to myself settle the domestic dispute between
my State and its subjects as early as possible and before the Diwali holidays.
This would not, in my view, be possible unless we part at the earliest. This
is a very unfortunate position and no one would be more sorry than myself,
but it could not be helped as the interests of myself and my State are at stake.
I need hardly assure you that it is not my desire to make your position awk-
ward in any way, and hence I leave it to you to decide how you should
arrange to leave and retire, as I am anxious to see that just as you came as a
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
friend you should also part as a friend. I had engaged your services for six
months certain and hence I am instructing the State Treasury to pay your
salary accordingly. I am also instructing Mr. Bhat, the Revenue Secretary,
to relieve you at your convenience.
Tours sincerely,
Dharmendrasinh
LETTER FROM E. C. GIBSON TO THAKORE SAHEB
Confidential The Residency,
Rajkot,
D. O. No. C/134-38 October 26, 1938
MY DEAR THAKORE SAHEB,
You will remember that on the evening of October 16th you wrote to
inform me that you desired to dispense with Sir Patrick Cadell’s services and
you enclosed a copy of the letter which you already sent to him. On the
following morning we had a discussion. I then strongly advised you to reconsi-
der the matter and to refrain from taking a step which from every point of
view must inevitably be very prejudicial to the interests of your State and your-
self. I also pointed out that when, on August 25th, you wrote to me asking
me to obtain the necessary sanction to Sir Patrick Cadell’s appointment, you
stated very definitely that the appointment was to be for a minimum period
of six months in the first instance. On this understanding I referred your request
to the Political Secretary to His Excellency the Crown Representative’s approval
of the proposal.
I need not repeat here the views which I explained fully when we
discussed the matter on October 17th and again on October 22nd. After our
discussion on October 17th, as you are unwilling to accept the advice which
I offered, I forwarded to the Political Secretary a copy of your letter of
October 16th.
When we met on October 22nd I told that I had been instructed to
inform you that His Excellency the Crown Representative trusts that in the
interests of your State and yourself you will lose no time in reversing the ac-
tion taken by you. Since then I have been hoping to hear that you have
accepted and acted upon this advice. As however I have received no inti-
mation from you to this effect, I write to ask you kindly to let me know as
soon as possible the action you have taken in the matter since I saw you on
October 22nd.
Tours sincerely,
E. C. Gibson
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO E. C. GIBSON
Confidential October 29, 1938
MY DEAR MR. GIBSON,
I am very thankful for your confidential D. O.C/134-38 dated 26th instant.
In view of the desire of His Excellency the Crown Representative and your
earnest advice and recommendation, I have decided to continue Sir Patrick
Cadell in my service, although I maintain that the constitutional aspect of
this question is in my favour.
I am very anxious that proper steps should be taken as soon as possible
and have decided to form a strong council consisting of Sir Patrick Cadell and
two of my officers to carry on the State, so that peace and tranquillity and
respect for law is properly maintained.
At the time of my interview with you on the 17th instant you approved
of my suggestion of forming a council. Accordingly I have decided to have
one of the following members in charge of the departments shown against their
names:
1st member and Vice-president: Sir Patrick Cadell: 1. Law and Justice,
2. Political, 3. Finance, 4. Police and 5. Praja Pratinidhi Sabha and Muni-
cipality.
2nd member : Rao Saheb Maneklal C. Patel: 1. Finance, 2. Industries,
3. Revenue, 4. P. W. D. and 5. Bardashi.
3rd Member : Mr. Jayantilal L. Jobanputra: 1. Medical, 2. Jail, 3. Edu-
cation and 4. Stables and other unspecified departments.
As regards the future steps to be taken to control the present situation,
they will be decided by the council with my approval and in all other import-
ant questions the above procedure is to be adopted.
I will issue detailed instruction hereafter. I think the formation of such
a strong council will remove my anxiety about the present situation, which is
increasing day by day.
On hearing from you, I shall inform Sir Patrick Cadell accordingly.
I am so sorry for the trouble I gave you in the matter.
Yours sincerely,
Dharmendrasinh
477
LETTER FROM E. C. GIBSON TO DURBAR VIRAWALA
The Residency, Rajkot,
November 25, 1938
MY DEAR VIRAWALA,
Thanks for your letter. I did hear when I returned to Rajkot this morn-
ing that you were here, and I must say that I was very much surprised to
hear it. I should have thought that if Mr. Anantrai Pattani wanted to see
you he could have asked you to go to Bhavnagar or could himself have gone
to Natwarnagar which is, I believe, much nearer to Bhavnagar than Rajkot
is. I cannot understand why he felt it incumbent on him to make this extra-
ordinary request, and I certainly think that it is a pity that you complied
with it after the advice I gave you. I can understand that you were reluctant
to come here. These long journeys must be very bad for your health at a
time when you require rest and quiet for recuperation after your long illness.
I am glad that you are feeling better today, and I strongly advise you to take
more care of your health in future.
With kind regards.
Tours sincerely,
E. C. Gibson
Vala Shri Vira Mulu,
Talukdar of Natwarnagar, Rajkot
LETTER FROM POLITICAL AGENT TO DURBAR VIRAWALA
Personal Rajkot,
November 29, 1938
DEAR VALA SHRI,
Your personal letter of yesterday. I am sorry Col. Aspinall thought the
journey had been trying to you, particularly as you told me you were feeling
so unwell after it.
I was naturally extremely surprised, after your assurances that you would
see nobody in Rajkot pending a reply to my reference to the Hon. the
Resident, to learn that you had been to the Palace.
I can only assume that you will realize that, in your own interests, this
was hardly wise, and that you will, pending your return to Natwarnagar, not
478
APPENDICES
479
again depart from the attitude you had offered to adopt, i. e., complete aloof-
ness from local affairs and not to meet anybody.
I trust that you have now completely rested and will not suffer from
your return journey to Natwarnagar tomorrow.
Tours sincerely,
C. K. Daly
LETTER FROM THAKORE SAHEB TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Amarsinhji Secretariat,
Rajkot State,
December 27, 1938
MY DEAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL,
I am very thankful to you for coming to Rajkot.
I appreciate very much the way in which you helped me in ending the
impasse.
I think you are fully aware by now that Dewan Saheb Virabhai has been
most loyal to me and my State. All along his career he has done his best
for the good of my people.
In safeguarding the interests of myself and my State he had to suffer also.
Now I request you to do your best to remove any misunderstanding exist-
ing in the minds of my people against him.
I shall feel very thankful for the same.
Tours sincerely,
Dharmendrasinh
Thakore Saheb, Rajkot
EXTRACTS FROM NOTES OF TALKS AT THE RESIDENCT
December 28, 1938
Present: The Hon. Mr. Gibson,
The Thakore Saheb,
Sir Patrick R. Cadell, Members of the
Rao Saheb M. C. Patel, State Council
Mr. Jayantilal L. Jobanputra
The Hon. Mr. Gibson started by saying to the Thakore Saheb to the
effect that the agreement made by him had stirred up all the Princes. He
would like to know how Vallabhbhai Patel had come to Rajkot and whether
he was invited by him.
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THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
THAKORE saheb: He had come of his own accord and asked for meeting
me, and I had invited him to tea.
MR. GIBSON: Well, he is a very unreliable man. You know that the
Government of India’s wishes were that no outside interference should be allow-
ed. By settling with him, you have lost sympathies of your brother Princes and
the Government. Although the Government of India do not mind what you
do, you have erred in settling through Patel. Even amongst the Congress
workers, Mr. Patel is the most untrustworthy. However, as it appears from the
Notification, the wordings of the settlement are not so bad but for the words
“widest possible powers” which are capable of any interpretation. It may mean
that you will be reduced to a figurehead. On the strength of these words, they
would demand full responsible government at the very start and you will find
yourself in a very awkward situation.
THAKORE SAHEB : No, I have only appointed a committee.
MR. GIBSON: Yes, but who will appoint the members of the committee?
And the report as received has to be given effect to.
THAKORE saheb: Well, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel will suggest names.
MR. GIBSON : That is it. That means Congress workers, who will
demand full responsible government in view of the words “widest possible
powers”.
SIR PATRICK: How is Mr. Patel to suggest names? Are we to write
to him?
THAKORE saheb: No, he will send names.
MR. GIBSON: In one of the clauses, you have agreed to give full effect
to the report. That is very bad. You have given up your cards.
As regards the appointment of the President of the Reforms Committee,
Mr. Gibson asked the Thakore Saheb as to who will be the President of the
Committee.
THAKORE saheb: Durbar Virawala.
MR. GIBSON: No, he cannot come.
thakore saheb: Why? He will come after his leave period is over.
MR. GIBSON: No. He is a talukdar. He cannot come. I would not let
him come now.
THAKORE SAHEB : No. He Can come after Sir Patrick has gone.
MR. Gibson: That will be seen after Sir Patrick is gone.
RAJKOT GAZETTE NOTIFICATION
Rajkot Darbari Gazette Extraordinary,
Saturday, January 21, 1939
Notification
No. 61 OF 1938-39
As observed in the Notification No. 50, dated the 26th December ’38,
we are hereby pleased to appoint the following seven gentlemen, representing all
important interests in the State, to work along with the three officers of
the State, whose names will be announced hereafter, to work on a committee
to draw up, after proper investigation, a report recommending to us a scheme
of reforms with a view to associating the people more closely with the
administration of the State:
1. Mr. Popatlal Purushottam Anada, President, P.P. Sabha,
2. Jadeja Jivansinhji Dhirubha,
3. Sheth Dada Haji Valimohmed,
4. Mr. Popatlal Dhanjibhai Malaviya,
5. Mr. Mohanlal M. Tank, President, Municipal Corporation,
6. Dr. D. J. Gajjar, and
7. Sheth Haptubhai Abdulali.
The Committee is expected to submit its report after full and thorough
inquiry.
Dharmendrasinh
Thakore Saheb, Rajkot State
LETTER FROM MANEKLAL PATEL TO
VALLABHBHAI PATEL
Confidential Ranjit Vilas,
Rajkot,
January 12, 1939
DEAR SARDAR SAHEB,
I am desired by H. H. Thakore Saheb to acknowledge receipt of your
letter of the 4th instant, recommending the seven names to be nominated by
him to the proposed Reforms Committee.
You must have learnt from the newspapers that the names suggested by
you were already out by the time your letter was received by His Highness,
481
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482 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
He regrets that it should have been so, because such an exposure places you
and His Highness in somewhat awkward position.
While H. H. would very much wish to select all the names suggested by
you, you would also appreciate that he cannot ignore the requests made by
important classes of his subjects, and should see that the committee consists
of such persons as would command the confidence of all important groups of
his subjects. In fact. His Highness has received representations from the Bhayats
and Muslim Council and a petition from the Depressed Class, and has there-
fore desired me to write to you as under.
While here, you very rightly said to H. H. that you did not know who
the real leaders were and therefore postponed suggesting names until after you
had consulted others.
His Highness approves of the gentlemen numbered 1, 2, 4 and 5.
While number three owns immovable property and resides here since
about 40 years and is a respectable citizen, he could hardly be expected to
be useful with independent opinion to work on a committee of this nature.
You would agree that the Mahomedans form a very important unit and
are now too well organized to be ignored so lightly. In their representation
submitted as a result of the unanimous resolution of the Muslim Council, they
have requested that three out of seven should be Mahomedans. This demand
of theirs is of course unreasonable, but including the Bohras they should be
given two seats and the President of their Council should be one of them. In
view of your vast experience in British India, you will appreciate that if their
legitimate request were not met, they may make a row and may create un-
healthy atmosphere, which we all wish to avoid. There is no doubt that we
all want a committee which would represent all sections of the people, be im-
partial and work harmoniously and with sagacity.
As regards numbers six and seven, it appears that they would not come
strictly within the scope of the definition of the “subject” as referred to in the
notification.
Mr. V. M. Shukla was neither born in the State nor has he been staying
within the jurisdiction of the State since his birth for as many as about forty
years. Possession by his ancestors of some property in Sardhar Pati does not
entitle him, according to the definition, to be considered as a Rajkot State
subject. He is neither born, nor domiciled, nor naturalized in the State.
As regards Mr. U. N. Dhebar, His Highness feels that the same objec-
tion would come in the way. As is understood, he originally belongs to the
Jamnagar State and his father spent the major portion of his life in Bombay.
He himself is said to have received his schooling in Rajkot and was residing
in the Civil Station when he started practice as a pleader. He has been living
within the State limits since about two years. He has also purchased land in
the State last year. His Highness feels that he should restrict his nomination
to the definition, so as not to create any ill-feeling amongst other leading
APPENDICES
483
gentlemen, who have always been recognized by the State, since the time
of the late Thakore Saheb, as leaders of the public.
It may also be brought to your notice that the Bhayats have also
approached His Highness, and very rightly, with a request that at least one of
them should be on the committee, as they represent a very important and
considerable unit in the State. His Highness therefore considers it essential
that one of them should be on the committee.
It is His Highness’s wish, as you will readily understand, that the com-
mittee should consist of the best brains who would also be representative of all
important classes of his subjects.
If any suggestions are to be made in the light of what has been said
above. His Highness will then declare the personnel of the committee, inclusive
of three officials besides the President of the committee.
Tours sincerely,
M. C. Patel
LETTER FROM VALLABHBHAI PATEL TO
MAMEKLAL PATEL
Camp, Bardoli,
January 15, 1939
DEAR SHRI MANEKLAL PATEL,
I have your letter of the 12th instant. It has pained me. It is indeed
regrettable that the names I proposed were published, but it is not always
possible to keep anything private in which a number of persons are concerned.
And then in spite of publication, alteration can certainly be made therein if
there are valid reasons.
I am afraid I cannot accept your recommendation regarding the names
of Bhayats and Mussalmans on the committee. There was a definite intelligible
object behind the settlement entitling me to suggest the names. That object
would be frustrated if I were to accept your recommendation. The names
have been suggested to achieve the object which can be fulfilled only by hav-
ing on the committee men of integrity holding particular views. The seven
members whose names I have suggested will surely bear in mind the interests
of Bhayats and others. More than this may not be expected.
I regret you have seen fit to object to certain names on the ground of
their not being State subjects. But you have a right to do so. If on further
consideration you should adhere to the view that Shri Dhebarbhai does not
come within the definition, rather than argue with you I am prepared to with-
draw his name and to suggest instead the name of Shri Gajanan Joshi Vakil.
I maintain that Shri Vajubhai Shukla comes within the definition.
484
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
H. H. the Thakore Saheb’s notification can only mean that the chairman
of the committee had to be from the committee of ten, and I must say that
Darbar Virawala may not be appointed chairman. He has sent me word
that he does not intend to hold any office, but in order to avoid any possible
accident I have thought it proper to mention this.
I cannot help saying that the appointment of the committee has been
greatly delayed. Their report has got to be published by the 31st January.
I therefore hope that the committee will be appointed immediately on receipt
of this letter. If unfortunately the appointment continues to be delayed,
there is every fear of the struggle being resumed by the people. I must also
add that I have in my possession copies of correspondence that has taken place
between H. H. the Thakore Saheb and Sir Patrick Cadell, and of the summary
of an interview with the Resident. If the settlement breaks down, I am
afraid it will be my duty to publish, in public interest, these and other docu-
ments in my possession. But I hope I may have to do nothing of the kind,
and the committee will be appointed and begin work immediately.
May I expect a wire from you in reply?
Tours sincerely,
Vallabhbhai Patel
Harijan, 4-2-1939
APPENDIX II
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA’S STATEMENT ON RAJKOT^
New Delhi,
February 1, 1939
1. Attention has been drawn to Mr. Gandhi’s statement to the Press in
regard to the recent events in the Rajkot and Jaipur States.
2. In the case of Rajkot, Mr. Gandhi states that “an honourable under-
standing arrived at between the Thakore Saheb-in-Council and Sardar Patel,
representing the people, has been undone by the Resident”, and he expresses
the opinion that “it is the duty of the Viceroy to ask the Resident in Rajkot
to restore the pact.”
3. The facts are that the Thakore Saheb-in-Council reached an agree-
ment with Sardar Patel that a committee should be appointed to investigate
and make recommendations for constitutional reform. The terms of this agree-
ment were published on December 26, in the State Gazette. The number of
official and non-official members who were to serve on the committee were
stated in this announcement. No further indication was given as to the com-
mittee’s composition or the basis of its selection. It appears that simultaneously
a private exchange of letters took place between the Thakore Saheb personally
and Sardar Patel, to which no publicity was given. In this correspondence,
the Thakore Saheb wrote to Sardar Patel as follows:
Amarsinhji Secretariat,
Rajkot State,
26-1 2-’ 38
It is agreed that seven members of the Committee mentioned in Clause
2 of the State Announcement of today’s date are to be recommended by
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and they are to be nominated by us.
(Sd.) Dharmendrasinh,
Thakore Saheb, Rajkot
The Thakore Saheb claims that this letter was intended to leave him at
liberty to accept or not the names put forward by Sardar Patel. Sardar Patel
contends that its intention was to bind the Thakore Saheb to accept whatever
names he put forward.
Reforms Committee Personnel
Of the names put forward by Sardar Patel, the Thakore Saheb accepted
three. In the interests of securing adequate representation for the Mohammedans
* Vide pp. 360-1.
485
486
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
and the Bhayats in the State, both of which parties submitted their claims
to be represented, he found himself unable to accept the remaining four names.
On his instructions, his Minister so informed Sardar Patel. Sardar Patel, how-
ever, in his reply, did not address himself to the merits and refused to acquiesce
in the Thakore Saheb’s proposals for the representation of the interests mention-
ed above, and merely intimated that he would be content with nothing less
than the names which he had put forward irrespective of the considerations
advanced by the Thakore Saheb, in acting as he has acted of his own
free will. The Resident has no knowledge of the correspondence which
had passed and was not a party to it.
Mr. Gandhi’s suggestion is that the Thakore Saheb should now be re-
quired to accept a different construction which Sardar Patel has placed on
his letter. It would clearly be most improper to bring pressure on the Thakore
Saheb to accept a construction which he evidently did not intend and is not
now prepared to accept.
Mr. Gandhi states that the Resident is reported to be resorting to “organ-
ized goondaism”. Mr. Gandhi has not indicated the source of this report,
which has no foundation whatever in fact.
In the case of Jaipur, the Jaipur Government will no doubt issue what-
ever statement they see fit in answer to Mr. Gandhi’s observations.
The Hindu, 2-2-1940
APPENDIX III
RESIGNATION LETTER OF CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE
MEMBERS^
[February 22, I93ff]^
DEAR SUBHAS,
We were all deeply pained to hear of your illness. It was not to be
thought that you should come to Wardha at the risk of your health. We hope
that you will be soon restored to complete health.
We have thought over the recent events carefully and have also read
your various statements in connection with the Presidential election. Your
unfortunate illness and the consequent cancellation of our meeting deter us
from expressing our views on your statements.
It should be sufficient at this stage for us to say that we, the undersigned,
feel it our duty to tender our resignations as members of the Working Com-
mittee, and we hereby tender the same. We feel [sic] to choose your Cabinet
that represents your views.
1 Vide pp. 382-3.
^ From Brijkrishna Chandiwala’s Delhi Diary
APPENDICES
487
We feel that the time has come when the country should have a clear-
cut policy, not based on compromise between different and incompatible groups
of the Congress.
It is but right, therefore, that you should select a homogeneous Cabinet
representing the views of the majority. You may trust us to give you all
possible co-operation in matters where we see eye to eye with you in the poli-
cies that you may put before the country. In order to allay public suspense,
we are sending this letter to the Press.
Tours sincerely,
Sd/- Abul Kalam Azad
Sarojini Naidu
Vallabhbhai Patel
Rajendra Prasad
Bhulabhai Desai
Pattabhi Sitaramayya
Shankarrao Deo
Harekrushna Mahtab
Kripalani
Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Jamnalal Bajaj
Jairam Doulatram
The Hindustan Times, 23-2-1939
APPENDIX IV
STATEMENT OF SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE'^
I have read the statement of Mahatma Gandhi on the recent presidential
election with all the attention that it deserves. It grieves me to find that
Mahatma Gandhi has taken it as a personal defeat. I would respectfully differ
from him on this point. The voters, that is the delegates, were not called
upon to vote for or against Mahatma Gandhi. Gonsequently the result of the
contest does not in my view and in the view of most people affect him per-
sonally.
Much has been said in the Press during the last few days about the
Right and Left wings in the Congress. Several persons have interpreted the
result of the election as a victory for the Leftists. The fact is that I placed
before the public two main issues, namely, the fight against Federation and
free and unfettered choice for the delegates in the matter of choosing their
president. These issues must have greatly influenced the voting, and over
and above these, the personality of the candidates might have had some
1 Vide pp. 382-3.
488 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
effect. In the circumstances, I feel that while analysing the significance of the
election we should not draw on our imagination nor should we read into it
more than it contains.
Assuming for argument’s sake that the result of the election implies a
victory of the Left, we should stop to consider what the Leftists’ programme is.
For the immediate future the Leftists stand for national unity and unrelenting
opposition to the Federal scheme. In addition to this, they stand for demo-
cratic principles. Leftists will not take the responsibility of creating a split
within the Congress. If a split does come, it will come not because of them,
but in spite of them.
Personally I am definitely of the opinion that there is neither reason nor
justification for a split within the ranks of the Congress. I, therefore, earnestly
hope that there will be no occasion now or in the near future for the so-called
minority party to non-co-operate with the so-called majority party. I need
hardly add that I shall try till the last to avert a split whenever any such
likelihood appears before us.
A certain amount of apprehension has been caused in the minds of many
as to the policy which people like myself will follow in future. Let me
make it quite clear that there will be no violent break with the past in the
parliamentary or in the extra-parliamentary sphere. So far as the parliamentary
programme is concerned, we shall only try to implement our election pledges
and our parliamentary programme with greater speed than in the past. In
the extra-parliamentary sphere, we shall endeavour to rally all our strength
and resources for combating Federation and for pushing on towards puma
Swaraj. And we shall, of course, act in accordance with the principles and
policy of the Indian National Congress.
In this connection I should also like to say that I have on some occa-
sions felt constrained to differ from Mahatma Gandhi on public questions, but
I yield to none in my respect for his personality. If I have understood him
correctly, he too would like to see people think for themselves, even though
they may not always agree with him. I do not know what sort of opinion
Mahatmaji has of myself. But, whatever his view may be, it will always be
my aim and object to try and win his confidence for the simple reason that
it will be a tragic thing for me if I succeed in winning the confidence of other
people but fail to win the confidence of India’s greatest man.
The Hindustan Times, 5-2-1939
APPENDIX V
SRI RAMAN A MAHARSHPS COMMENTS ON GANDHIJFS
DESCRIPTION OF HIS STATE OF MIND^
The Maharshi referred to the following passage of Gandhiji’s in the
Harijan of the 11th instant:
“How mysterious are the ways of God ! This journey to Rajkot is a wonder
even to me. Why am I going, whither am I going? What for? I have thought
nothing about these things. And if God guides me, what should I think, why
should I think? Even thought may be an obstacle in the way of His guidance.
“The fact is, it takes no effort to stop thinking. The thoughts do not
come. Indeed there is no vacuum — but I mean to say that there is no thought
about the mission.”
He remarked how true the words were and emphasized each statement in
the extract. Then He cited Thayumanavar in support of the state which is free
from thoughts:
“Bliss will reveal itself if one is still. Why then is this illusory practice?
Can it (i. e., bliss) be revealed by directing the intellect in a particular way?”
D. Is not what Gandhiji describes the state in which thoughts them-
selves become foreign?
M. Yes. It is only after the rise of the ‘T thought that all other thoughts
arise. The world is seen after you have felt “I am”. The ‘T thought and
all other thoughts had vanished for him.
D. Then the body-sense must be absent in that state.
M. The body-sense also is a thought whereas he describes the state in
which “thoughts do not come”.
D. He also says, “It takes no effort to stop thinking”.
M. Of course no effort is necessary to stop thought whereas one is neces-
sary for bringing about thoughts. . . .
D. Gandhiji adhered to Satya (Truth) so long and won realization of
the Self.
M. What is Satya except the Self? Satya is that which is made up of
sat. Again sat is nothing but the Self. So Gandhiji’s Satya is only the Self. . . .
The Upanishadic Text is the eternal Truth to which everyone who has
realized owes his experience. After hearing the Self to be the Brahman the
person finds the true import of the Self and reverts to it whenever he is divert-
ed from it. Here is the whole process of Realization.
Talks with Sri Ramana Maharshi, pp. 734-9
* Vide pp. 461-2.
489
SOURCES
Bapuki Chhayamen Mere Jivanke Solah Varsh (Hindi) : H. L. Sharma,
Ishwar Sharan Ashram, Allahabad, 1967.
Bapuna Bane Patro (Gujarati): International Printing Press, Phoe-
nix, Natal, 1948.
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patr/ree (Gujarati) : Ed. Manibehn Patel,
Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1960.
Bapuna Patro-2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine (Gujarati): Ed. Manibehn
Patel, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1957.
{The) Bombay Chronicle: English daily published from Bombay.
(TAr) Brotherhood of Religion: Sophia Wadia, International Book
House Ltd., Bombay, 1939.
{A) Bunch of Old Letters: Ed. Jawaharlal Nehru, Asia Publishing
House, Bombay, 1958.
Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya, New Delhi: Central Museum
and Library of Gandhian literature and documents.
Harijan (1933-56): English weekly published under the auspices of
Harijan Sevak Sangh and supervised by Gandhiji.
Harijanbandhu (1933-56): Gujarati weekly published under the
auspices of Harijan Sevak Sangh and supervised by Gandhiji.
if hi) Hindu: English daily published from Madras.
{The) Hindustan Times: English daily published from New Delhi.
Incidents of Gandhiji' s Life: Ed. Chandrashanker Shukla, Vora &
Co. Publishers Ltd., Bombay, 1949.
Indian National Congress, February, 1938 to January, 1939: Publi-
shed by J. B. Kripalani, Swaraj Bhawan, Allahabad.
Madhya Pradesh aur Gandhiji: Information and Publications Direc-
torate, Madhya Pradesh, 1969.
Mahatma: Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Vol. IV: D. G.
Tendulkar, Publications Division, Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting, New Delhi.
National Archives of India, New Delhi.
490
SOURCES
491
Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi.
Panckven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad (Hindi): Ed. Kakasaheb Kalel-
kar, Jamnalal Bajaj Trust, Wardha, 1963.
{A) Pilgrimage for Peace: Pyarelal, Navajivan Publishing House,
Ahmedabad, 1950.
Pyarelal Papers: Documents in possession of Shri Pyarelal,
New Delhi.
Sabarmati Sangrahalaya, Ahmedabad : Library and records
containing documents relating to Gandhiji.
Sarvodaya: Hindi monthly published under the auspices of Gan-
dhi Seva Sangh, edited by Kaka Kalelkar and Dada Dharma-
dhikari.
Talks with Shri Ramana Maharshi: Published by Ramanashramam,
Tiruvannamulai.
{The) Times of India: English daily published from Bombay.
CHRONOLOGY
(October 15, 1938 — February 28, 1939)
October 15, 1938: Gandhiji was at Utmanzai. Returned to
Peshawar.
October 16: Addressed meetings of Khudai Khidmatgars at Now-
shera and Hoti Mardan.
October 17: Mardan. Issued statement to the Press condemning
students’ rowdyism in Travancore.
Visited Swabi and addressed meeting of Khudai Khidmatgars.
October 18: Returned to Utmanzai.
October 19j20: Had discussions with Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan.
October 21: Returned to Peshawar. Arrived in Kohat.
October 22: Addressed public meeting at Kohat.
October 23: At Hungoo. Had talk with Khudai Khidmatgars.
October 24: At Bannu.
October 25: At Bannu. Addressed public meeting.
October 26: At Bannu. Issued statement to the Press Congra-
tulating Maharaja and Dewan of Travancore for granting
amnesty to satyagrahi prisoners in the State.
Visited Lakki. Addressed public meeting. Had talk with
Khudai Khidmatgars.
October 27: Arrived in Dera Ismail Khan.
October 28: At Dera Ismail Khan. Addressed public meeting.
October 30: Visited Kulachi. Returned to Dera Ismail Khan.
October 31: Tank. Addressed public meeting.
Had talk with Khudai Khidmatgars. Returned to Dera
Ismail Khan.
November 1: Had talk with Khudai Khidmatgars at Paniala.
Arrived in Mirakhel.
November 2: At Mirakhel. Visited Ahmedbandh. Reached Pesha-
war in the evening.
November 3: At Peshawar. Inaugurated khadi exhibition.
492
CHRONOLOGY
493
November 4: At Peshawar.
November 5: At Peshawar. Addressed meeting of the Bar Asso-
ciation.
November 6: At Peshawar. Visited Bibhuti, Punja Saheb and
Haripur.
November 7: At Haripur, Abbottabad. Had talk with Khudai
Khidmatgars.
November 8: At Abbottabad.
Reached Mansehra. Addressed public meeting. Returned
to Abbottabad. Received Minorities’ Deputation. Addressed
public meeting.
November 9: At Abbottabad. Visited Taxila. Left for Delhi.
November 10: Arrived in Delhi. Called on Begum Ansari. Left
for Segaon.
November 11: Arrived in Segaon.
November 14: Had discussion with Vallabhbhai Patel about Raj-
kot satyagraha.
November 15: Had discussion with Deputation of Travancore State
Congress.
November 16: Continued discussion.
November 21: Received Jawaharlal Nehru.
November 27: Had discussion with leaders of Aundh State.
November 29: Had discussion with Appasaheb Pant on Aundh
Constitution.
November 30: Started drafting constitution for Aundh State.
December 1: Had discussion with Appasaheb Pant.
December 3: Discussed with Ruikar strike in Rajanandgaon Mill
and State policy towards it.
December 15: Had discussion with members of Congress Working
Committee.
December 22: Addressed Scouts rally.
December 23: Dr. Radhakrishnan called on Gandhiji and sug-
gested his persuading Rajaji not to make Hindi compulsory
in Madras State.
December 24: Gandhiji arrived in Wardha. Inaugurated Magan
Sangrahalaya and Udyog Bhavan. Had discussion with the
494
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
economists who attended Economic Conference at Nagpur.
Had discussion with Frydman. Returned to Segaon.
December 31: Gave Interview to Timothy Ling Fang Lew, mem-
ber of Chinese delegation to Missionary Conference at
Tambaram.
January 1, 1939: Gave interview to Ling Fang Lew and P. C.
Hsu, members of Chinese delegation to Missionary Confer-
ence at Tambaram. Gave interview to Rev. S. S. Tema
of D. R. Mission, Johannesburg.
Left for Bardoli.
January 2: Arrived in Bardoli.
January 3: Had discussion with U. N. Dhebar about Rajkot
satyagraha.
January 4: Had talk with Jamnalal Bajaj concerning Jaipur
satyagraha.
January 11-14: Attended Congress Working Committee meeting.
January 15: Had talk with Toyohiko Kagawa. Had discussion
with the Aga Khan about minority community and com-
munal unity.
January 17: Received B. G. Kher.
January 23: Vallabhbhai Patel arrived in Bardoli to discuss Raj-
kot affairs with Gandhiji.
January 24: Gandhiji had talk with Pattabhi Sitaramayya.
January 26: Addressed meeting of peasants on emancipation
day.
January 28: Had discussion with representatives of Municipalities
and Local Boards.
January 29: Addressed meeting of peasants held on occasion of
restoration of confiscated lands.
January 3 1 : Issued statements to the Press on election of Subhas
Chandra Bose as Congress President and on Rajkot and
Jaipur satyagrahas.
February 1: Left for Segaon.
February 2: Arrived in Segaon.
February 3-4: At Wardha. Had talk with teachers undergoing
training under Wardha scheme of education.
CHRONOLOGY
495
February 5: At Segaon.
February 8: Issued statement to the Press on Jamnalal Bajaj’s
arrest.
February 9: Issued statement to the Press on Rajkot and Jaipur
satyagraha.
February 13: Had discussion with Dr. Chesterton of English
Baptist Mission.
February 14: Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Segaon to have
discussion with Gandhiji.
February 15: Discussion continued.
February 21: Gandhiji had talk with delegates of Hyderabad
State Congress.
February 23: Issued statements to the Press on strike in Anna-
malai University and Rajkot satyagraha.
February 24: Had talk with Ashram inmates about his decision
to go to Rajkot.
February 25: Issued statement to the Press on Rajkot satyagraha.
Left for Bombay en route to Rajkot.
February 26: Arrived in Bombay.
February 27: Arrived in Rajkot. Gave interview to Associated
Press and The Hindu.
February 28: Had separate discussions with representatives of
Muslim Gouncil of Action and deputation of Garasia Mandal.
Gave interview to The Hindu.
INDEX OF TITLES
A. I. V. I. A. Training School, 198
Aundh Constitution, 192-3
(The) Ban on Jamnalalji, 289-91
(A) Caution, 163-4
(The) Confiscated Lands, 36-7
(The) Congress and Khadi, 124-5
(A) Denial, 62-3
Discussion with: Chesterman, Dr., 419-
22; Christian Missionaries, 201-7;
Communists, 111-4; Deputation of
Garasia Mandal, 465; Economists,
258-9; Frydman, Maurice, 265-6;
Kagawa, Toyohiko, 295-8; Khan,
Abdul Ghaffar, 27-31; Mott, John
R., 165-73; Representatives of
Municipalities and Local Boards,
338-43; Takaoka, D., 187-8;
Teacher Trainees, 370-7
District Boards, 222-4
Draft of: Congress Working Committee
Resolution on Indian States, 212-3;
Letter for Jamnalal Bajaj, 282-4;
Press Statement for Jamnalal Bajaj,
281-2; Statement for Hyderabad
State Congress, 242-4; Statement
for Jamnalal Bajaj, 336-7; State-
ment for Thakore Saheb of Rajkot,
135
Drinking Methylated Spirit, 300
Enlightened Anarchy — A Political
Ideal, 265
(The) Ethics of It, 415-6
Foreword: 362-3; (to The) Brotherhood
of Religions, 144; (to) Dadabhai
Naoroji, 23-4
Harijan Welfare in Tatanagar, 176
Hindu-Muslim Unity, 208
Hindustani, Hindi and Urdu, 23-5
How to Popularize Khadi, 173-6
Hyderabad, 407-8
In Memory of Narayan M. Khare,
358
Internal Decay, 320-1
Interpretation of Member’s Pledge,
77-8
Interview to: American Teachers, 251-
3; (The) Associated Press, 462,
463; (The) Hindu, 463, 466; Hod-
son, H. V., 240-1; Smith, Celes-
tine, 211; South African Indian
Students, 385-6; Tema, S. S., 272-
4; The Times of India, 326-8;
Tingfang Lew, Timothy, 262-4,
— Y. T. Wu and P. C. Hsu, 267-71
Is It Non-violent?, 457-9
Is Non-violence Ineffective?, 276-8
Islamic Culture, 323-4
Jaipur, 299-300, 350-2
(The) Jews, 137-41
Kathiawar Notes, 89
Khadi as Famine Relief, 456
Khudai Khidmatgars and Badshah
Khan, 115-9
‘Kicks and Kisses’, 354-7
Lawless Limbdi, 434-7
(A) Letter, 162
Letter to: Agrawal, Moolchand, 22-3;
Aiyengar, H. P. Ranganath, 10;
Amrit Kaur, 10-1, 19, 32, 37,
49-50, 63, 69, 74-5, 76, 79, 99,
110, 119-20, 122, 126, 128, 134,
143, 145, 146-7, 150, 154, 159,
177, 185, 195, 198-9, 224-5, 230-
1, 254, 461 ; Amtussalaam, 264,
68-32
497
498
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
265, 317, 325, 335, 344; Asar,
Lilavati, 16, 196-7; Bajaj, Jamna-
lal, 229, 249-50, 292; Bajaj, Jana-
kidevi, 384, 391; Bajaj, Radhakri-
shna, 260-1; Balwantsinha, 35,
209-10, 213, 232, 236-7, 285, 305-
6; Barr, F. Mary, 284-5, 403;
Bhatia, Dev Prakash, 100; Bose,
Subhas Chandra, 218, 382-3;
Chandiwala, Brijkrishna, 33, 40,
210, 226, 318, 332; Chokhawala,
Gordhandas, 394; Chokhawala,
Shardabehn G., 393, 399, 424, 426,
428, 428-9, 437; Desai, Bhulabhai
J., 214; Desai, Mahadev, 5-6, 6-7,
19, 38, 43-4, 50-1, 66, 70-1, 75,
78-9, 79-80, 84-5, 95-6, 97, 101,
111, 120, 123, 127, 128-9, 158,
225, 460, 461-2; Gandhi, Devdas,
160, 179-80; Gandhi, Kan dial,
17-8, 101-2, 127-8, 129, 141-2,
148, 353, 405; Gandhi, Kasturba,
8, 21, 54, 85, 363, 370, 391, 395,
400, 405, 409, 417-8, 425, 427,
429, 437, 440, 443, 445; Gandhi,
Manilal, 108, 329, 452; Gandhi,
Narandas, 16, 67, 155, 423; Gan-
dhi, Purushottam, 75-6, 358; Gan-
dhi, Sushila, 107, 158-9,215,312-3,
315-6, 329; Girdharilal, 143; Harri-
son, Agatha, 82, 225; Hingorani,
Anand T., 148; Hingorani, Vidya
A., 54; Hydari, Akbar, 248, 308-9,
439, 448; Jairamdas Doulatram,
312; Jerajani, Purushottam K.,
314; Joshi, Chhaganlal, 67-8;
Joshi, N. M., 226-7; Kalelkar,
D. B., 22, 146, 164, 293, 294, 369;
Kalelkar, Satish D., 460; Kantak,
Premabehn, 130-1; Khan, Sikan-
dar Hay at, 15; Krishnachandra,
73, 197, 294-5, 396, 406; Kuma-
rappa, J. C., 77, 122, 126, 177-8,
186, 196, 209, 235, 362; Linlith-
gow, Lord, 121, 234-5, 330-1, 357,
408-9, 440, 447 ; Maharaja of
Mysore, 344; Mahtab, Hare-
krushna, 399; Malkani, N. R., 178,
310, 315, 398; Masani, M. R., 68,
109; Masani, Rustom, 26; Mashru-
wala, Manubehn S., 229, 316;
Mehta, Vaikunthlal L., 180; Mira-
behn, 6, 65-6, 70, 84, 95, 100,
147, 150-1, 160, 176-7, 178-9, 196,
250-1, 254, 302-3, 310-1, 363, 368,
417, 461; Morarjee, Shantikumar
N., 161-2, 181; Mundhra, Damo-
dardas, 191; Munshi, K. M., 190;
Nanavati, Amritlal T., 8, 86, 90,
181, 168, 199,311; Nehru, Indira,
379; Nehru, Jawaharlal, 134, 142,
144, 161, 227, 368, 383, 398-9,
403; Nehru, Rameshwari, 120-1,
183-4, 325; Pancholi, Vijayabehn
M., 424-5, 430, 433, 446; Parekh,
Chandan, 255, 304, 313, 331-2;
Parekh, Indu N., 236; Parekh,
Ramibehn K., 316; Patel, Dahya-
bhai M., 317; Patel, Manibehn,
71-2, 155, 182, 231, 427,— and
Sarabhai, Mridula, 430; Patel,
Ravindra R., 304; Patel, Vallabh-
bhai, 34-5, 136-7, 156, 219, 230,
260, 392, 406, 410, 418; Patel,
Vijaya N., 9, 72-3, 109, 157, 187;
Patil, L. M., 404; Patwari, Ran-
chhodlal, 163,280;Pillai, S. Velu,
267; Prabhavati, 39, 156-7, 199;
Premi, Jairamdas, 162; Prithvi
Singh, 228; Qureshi, Gulam Ra-
sool, 423; Qureshi, Shuaib, 157-8,
279; Radhakrishnan, S., 235; Ra-
jagopalachari, C., 239, 404, 426;
Roy, Kumar Sing, 2 1 ; Roy,
Motilal, 53-4, 154, 395; St. John,
Sir Beauchamp, 303, 314, 335;
INDEX OF TITLES
499
Sampurnanand, 467, 467-8; Saras-
wati, 107, 237; Sastri, V. S. Srini-
vasa, 15; Shah, Chimanlal N.,
86, 182-3; Shah, Sharda C., 9-10,
51, 380; Shamlal, 14, 179, 228-9;
Sharma, Balkrishna, 438; Sharma,
H. L., 33, 184-5, 261, 364, 418-9;
Shinde, General, 343, 379; Spiegel,
Margarete, 183, 209; Suresh Singh,
424; Thakkar, Amridal V., 87, 305;
Verma, Harsaran, 185, 211;
Vidyarthi, Prabhu Dayal, 165, 468
Love a Universal Virtue, 306-7
Mahatma’s Statue, 386
Manibehn and the Spinning-wheel,
242
Mass Literacy Campaign in Bihar,
122
Message: (to) All-India Women’s Con-
ference, 230; (to) Allahabad Uni-
versity Union, 217; (on) Death
ofKemal Ataturk, 110; (to) Gib-
bon, C. K., 207; (on) Opening
of Khadi Exhibition, Peshawar,
87-8; (to) President Travancore
State Congress, 241
(A) Mischievous Suggestion, 441-4
(The) Modern Girl, 348-50
Monstrous If True, 69
(The) National Flag, 47-8
No Apology, 381-2
Non-co-operators, 149-50
Non-violence the Only Way, 238
Note(s): 31-2, 90-2, 219-21, 431-2;
(to) Amrit Kaur, 384; (to) Bajaj,
Jamnalal, 248-9; (to) Desai, Maha-
dev, 1; (on) Letter to Dr. N. B.
Khare, 145; (to) Patel, Vallabhbhai,
293-4; (to) Shah, Kanchan M.,
123; (to) Thakkar, Amritlal V.,
303
(The) People’s Education Movement,
74
Prohibition: 221-2; in Salem District,
136
Question of Honour, 453-6
Rajkot, 274-6, 346-8
Red Tape, 193-5
Reply to German Critics, 189-90
Roman Script v. Devanagari, 380-1
Sardar Prithvi Singh, 286-7
Some Queshons Answered, 191-3
Speech at: Bannu, 55-7; Hoti Mardan,
13-4; Lakki, 62; Meeting of Bar As-
sociation, Peshawar, 96-7; Meeting
of Peasants, 333-4, 345-6 ;Nowshera,
11-2; Opening of Khadi Exhibition,
Peshawar, 88; Opening of Magan
Sangrahalaya and Udyog Bhavan,
255-7 ; Public Meeting, Abbottabad,
104-6, — Dera Ismail Khan, 73-4, —
Haripur, 99, — Kohat, 39-40, —
Mansehra, 103, — Tank, 80-1;
Scouts Rally, 232-4; Swabi, 20
Statement to the Press, 18, 61, 200,
285, 359-60, 360-1, 365-7, 396-7,
400-2 , 410-1, 444, 444-5, 449-52
(The) States, 318-20
States and the People, 151-3
Students’ Shame, 244-8
Talk: (with an) Ashram Inmate, 446;
(at) Bibhuti, 98; (to) Hyderabad
State Congress Delegation, 44 1 ;
(with) Khan, Abdul Gaffar, 4-5;
(to) Khudai Khidmatgars, 41-3,
44-7, 58-61, 63-5, 81-2, 82, 83-4,
102-3,-1, l-3,-II, 3-4; (to) Mino-
rities Deputation, 104; (to) Repre-
sentatives of Muslim Council of
Action, 464; (to) Travancore State
Congress Deputation, 131-3
Telegram to: Amrit Kaur, 136, 462;
Bajaj, Jamnalal, 324, 367, 378,
402; Bajaj, Janakidevi, 336; Bajaj,
Radhakrishna, 459, 464; Balkrishna,
312;Birla, G. D., 37, 281, 361, 367,
500
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
397, 417, 428; Das, Biswanath, 336;
Desai,Mahadev,378;Hydari, Akbar,
291, 439; Jethanand, 394; Johri,
Chandrabhal, 392; Khan Saheb,
Dr., 395; Krishnaswamy, 279;
(The) Limbdi Praja Mandal, 394;
Local Secretary, Jallianwala Bagh
Memorial Fund, 163; Mirabehn,
433; Nehru, Jawaharlal, 398; Pillai,
Pattom Thanu, 164, 214, 216, 216-7,
280; Private Secretary to the Vice-
roy, 445; Rajagopalachari, C., 278;
Rajendra Prasad, 393; Ramachan-
dran, G., 280; Ruikar, R. S., 121;
Sastri, V. S. Srinivasa, 443 ; Zainab,
215
Travancore, 287-9, 413-4, — Again,
432-4
Uncertified Dealers, 286
Untruth in Newspapers, 411-3
Violence v. Non-violence, 300-2
Wanted a Guide Book, 238-9
What a Man of God!, 322
Why Kasturba Gandhi?, 387
Why Not Great Powers?, 93-5
Woman’s Special Mission, 51-3
Work Instead of Alms, 447
Working of Non-violence, 388-90
INDEX
Abhaya, Acharya Dev Sharma, 91
Abu Bakr, 271
Abyssinia; Italian aggression of, 355;
and non-violence, 193
Achintram, 403
Adult Franchise, 292
Africa; and Christianity, 273
African(s); advised to adopt non-
violence, 273
— Congress, 272
Aga Khan; and settlement with
Jinnah, 303
Agrawal, Moolchand, 22
Ahimsa, see non-violence
Ahmedabad ; prohibition in, 222 ; riots
in, against Rowlatt Act, 415
Aiyengar, H. P. Ranganath, 10
Akbar, 323
Alcoholism; eradication of, 59,
Ali, Mohammed, 24; and charkha, 175
Ali, Saiyad Mohammad, 62
Ali, Shaukat; and charkha, 175; and
Hindu-Muslim unity, 208; death
of, 157
All-India Congress Committee, 359;
its resolution on civil liberty. 111.
See also Indian national congress
— — Spinners’ Association, 53, 154,
175, 286, 371, 386, 395, 431, 432;
help rendered by, to the poor, 73,
257 ; Kerala Branch of, 286; the only
authority to certify khadi, 219-20;
pledge for membership of, 77
— — Village Industries Associa-
tion, 175, 198, 256, 371, 386
Women’s Conference; message
to, 230
Ambedkar, B. R., 87
America; and non-violence, 252;
democracy in, based on violence,
389-90
Amrit Kaur, 6, 7, 10, 15, 19, 32,
37, 38, 44, 49 to 51, 63, 66, 67,
69, 71, 74, 76, 79, 89, 95, 99, 110,
111, 119, 120, 122, 126, 128, 129,
134, 136, 143, 145, 146, 150, 154,
159, 177, 185, 195, 198, 224, 230,
254, 288, 384, 432, 452, 461, 462
Amtussalaam, 74, 108, 162, 196, 197,
225, 264, 265, 317, 325, 335, 344,
395, 423
Amulakh Amichand, 436; hunger-
strike of, 435
Anand, 54, 177
Anantbhai, 255
Anantrai; and Rajkot satyagraha,
160
Andhra; movement for separate Pro-
vince in, 235 239
Annamalai University; assault on the
Secretary of the union of, 457;
strike in, condemned as violent,
458-9
Arabic, 381
Arabs; and Jews in Palestine, 137
Ari, 453
Arjuna, 297
Armaments; mad race for, 94, 390
Arnold, Edwin, 188
Arya Samaj, 243; and civil disobe-
dience in Hyderabad, 407-8, 439;
and filthy literature, 91
Aryan League, Hyderabad, 243, 308;
violence in, 332
501
502
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Aryanayakum, Asha Devi, 2>10fn, 373
Aryanayakum, E. W., 65, 76, 126, 237
Asar, Lilavati, 16, 19, 38, 50, 123,
162, 186, 196, 425
Asia; Buddhist influence in, 188
Aspinal, Lt. Col., 466
Assam; Roman script in, 380-1
Atal, Amar Nath; on Praja Mandals,
355
Aundh; Constitution of, 224; Consti-
tutional reform in, 159; justice
in, 292; responsible Government in,
90-1, 414; right to vote in, 292
Aurobindo, 40, 298
Azad, Abul Kalam, 72, 198, 227,
230, 309, 324, 335, 359, 382, 383,
442
Azariah, Bishop, 166yh
Babasaheb; his experience of un-
polished rice, 178
Bahadur Yar Jung, 309
Bajaj, Jamnalal, 34, 54, 153, 191/«,
215, 229, 248, 249, 261/«, 278,
292, 303, 324, 331, 335, 367, 378,
392, 406; and famine relief in
Jaipur, 350-1; and Prime Minis-
ter of Jaipur, 330, 336, 366-7;
ban on his entry into Jaipur
State, 281-4, 289-91, 299, 326-8,
350-2, 361, 401-2; arrest of, 384,
396-7, 410-1, 431
Bajaj, Janakidevi, 229, 336, 384,
391, 402
Bajaj, Radhakrishna, 101, 260, 261,
459, 464
Bajpai, 233
Balwantsinha, 35, 182, 209, 213,
236, 285, 305; and service of the
cow, 232
Bambatta; his refusal to pay taxes,
273
“Bande Mataram”; and Osmania
University, 309
Bankelal, 181
Banker, Shankerlal, 77, 310, 314
Bardoli; restoration of confiscated
lands in, 345-6; suspension of
satyagraha in, 434
Barnabas; and Indian National Con-
gress, 146-7
Baroda; self-rule in, and Maha-
rashtrians and Gujaratis, 328
Barr, F. Mary, 196, 284, 403
Basic Education, see education,
Wardha scheme of
Bazalgette, Major R. L.; murder of
285, 319, 330
Benes, Edward, 6, 84
Bengali, 381
Bhagavad Gita, 2, 207, 261, 425; and
ahimsa, 296-7; recitation of, 186
Bhagwandas, 24
Bhagwanlal Harakhchand, 436
Bhaktiba; assault on, 435, 436
Bhansali, J. K., 51, 75
Bhargava, Dr. Gopichand, 88, 305,
318
Bhatia, Dev Prakash, 100
Bhave, Balkrishna, 90, 185, 312
Bhopal; and aid to Jamia Millia,
279
Bible, 137, 206, 266
— Searchers’ Leagues; persecution
of, by Nazis, 276
Bihar; indiscipline among Congress-
men in, 321; mass literacy cam-
paign in, 122
Bikaner; Maharaja of, 402; his atti-
tude to the Congress, 354-6; on
developments in Rajkot and
Jaipur, 354-6
Birla, G. D., 37, 218, 281, 292, 357,
361, 367, 397, 417, 428
Biyani, Brijlal, 62
INDEX
503
Boer War; and Gandhiji, 269, 421
{The) Bombay Chronicle, 178, 2\\fn,
359>, 360/n, 396, 400/«, 441
Booke, 369
Border Tribes, see waziris
Bose, Subhas Chandra, 72, 161, 198,
218, 359, 360, 382, 392, 398, 426,
430, 442
Brabourne, Lord; death of, 444
Brahmacharya, IZ', and purification
of heart, 294; Gandhiji’s experi-
ments in, 7
British and Foreign Bible Society,
201/ti
British Government ; and princes, 1 52 ;
and responsible Government, 151-2
Brookes, Edgar, 169
(TAe) Brotherhood of Religions, (Sophia
Wadia), 144
Buddha, Gautama, 188, 271, 307;
and non-violence, 297
Buddhism, 170
Burma; Buddhist influence in, 188;
riots in, 99
Cadell, Patrick, 274-5, 401, 415; and
breach of pact by the Thakore
Saheb of Rajkot, 346-7
Calf; death of, by Gandhiji’s car, 98
Central Provinces; inclusion of a
Harijan in the ministry of, 5
Ceylon; Buddhist influence in, 188
Chakraiya, 8
Chandiwala, Brijkrishna, 33, 40, 43,
79, 210, 226, 318, 332
Chandrabhai, 178
Chandrashanker, 19, 69, 127
Chandwani, 315
Charkha, 60, 380; and Ramanama,
295; and students, 133; and women,
230; as Annapurna, 334; symbol
of non-violence, 339
Charkha Sangh; and puma swaraj, 249
Chauri Chaura; violence in, 434
Cherian, Akkamma; ill-treatment of,
in jail, 413
Chesterman, Dr., 419
Chettiar, M. K. Chidambaram, 286
Chettiar, S. Mariasusai, 286
Chhotalal; assault on, 435; his ex-
perience of unpolished rice, 178
China; Buddhist influence in, 188;
Indian medical mission to, 262,264;
its resistance to Japan and non-
violence, 203-4, 262-3; Japanese
attack on, 268-71; peoples’ edu-
cation in, 74
Chokhawala, Gordhandas, 391/n, 394
Chokhawala, Shardabehn G., 393,
399, 424, 426, 428, 437
Choudhury, Jaglal, 176
Christ, Jesus,2,252,271,278; and non-
violence, 306-7; and untouchability,
306; his teaching, 30; message of, 2 73
Christianity, 170, 297; and Africans,
273; and Hinduism, 422; and Jews,
137; and non-violence, 2, 30-1
Christians, 133, 138, 319, 414; and the
Communal Award, 166; and respon-
sible Government in Travancore,
414
Chudgar, Popatlal, 303, 335, 408;
his interview with Dewan of
Jaipur, 314, 350-2
Civil Disobedience, 175, 347, 424;
and Constructive Programme,
200; and movement for swaraj,
243-4; and non-violence, 118; and
satyagraha, 42, 45-6, 407; and
students, 132-3
Civil Liberty; and Congress, 113,
227; Congress resolution on, 111-2
Communal Award ; Roman Catholics’
and Protestants’ attitude towards,
166
504
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
— Unity, 175, 324; and Federation,
442
Communists; and Congress, 111-2,
113-4; and Hindu-Muslim unity,
241 ; and state ownership of means
of production, 113; and vio-
lence, 112-3
Conference of Missionaries Socie-
ties, 201/«
Congress, INDIAN national congress
Congress Ministries; advised to end
red tape, 194-5; and non-violence,
170; and prohibition, 221-2; and
violence, 113
Constructive Programme, 60-1,
434; and civil disobedience, 200;
and District Board members, 223-
4; and fight for swaraj, 118, 243-4;
and missionaries, 170; and non-
violence, 59, 132; and students,
133; Khudai Khidmatgars asked
to take up, 27-8
Conversions, 419, 422; and Chris-
tian missionaries, 167
Corruption; in Congress, 96, 125
Cottage Industries; and big indus-
tries, 258-9
Cotton — The Story of Mankind, 373
Council-entry; and Congress, 467
Cow; service of, 35
Criminal Law Amendment Act;
and Congress Government in
Madras, 220
Croesus; and Solon, 105
Culture; Hindu and Islamic, 323;
Indian, 263, 266
Czechoslovakia; and non-violence,
139, 193, 205; advised to disarm
unilaterally, 70, 93-5
Daly, Col., 466
Damodardas, 163
Das, Biswanath, 336
Das Gupta, Satis Ghandra, 33, 110
Deccan States’ People’s Confe-
rence, 453
Democracy; and non-violence, 94
Deo, Shankarrao, 308, 453 to 455
Dera Ismail Khan; riots in, 394, 395
Desai, Bhulabhai J., 214, 308
Desai, Durga, 7, 76, 79, 96, 120
Desai, Gopaldas; assault on, 436
Desai, Mahadev, 1, 5, 6, 10, 11,
15, 19, 32, 37, 38, 43, 50, 54,
66, 70, 73, 75, 78, 79, 84, 91, 95,
97, 101, 108, 110, 111, 120, 122,
123, 127, 128, 134, 145, 147, 148,
150, 151, 154, 158 to 161, 177,
180, 182 to 185, 195, 199, 210,
225, 228, 231, 251, 287, 294, 315,
378, 452, 460, 461
Desai, Narayan, 38, 71, 79, 96, 119,
120
Desai, Pragji, 108
Deshpande, Gangadharrao, 453, 454
Devanagari; compared with Roman
script, 380-1
Dharmdev, 148
Dharmanarain, Pt.; on Praja Man-
dais, 355
Dharmendrasinhji, 415, 429, 435,
446, 455, 463, 466; his solemn
pact with the people of Rajkot,
360-1, 387; 449-51, 455-6; a vir-
tual prisoner, 347, 365
Dhenkanal; Peoples’ movement in,
152-3; repression in, 318; satya-
graha in, 312
Disarmament; as condition of peace,
206
District Boards; and Constructive
work, 223-4; an excrescence, 222-4
Doctors, 96-7
Doddameti, Andaneppa, 453, 454
Dorothy, 75, 196
INDEX
505
Drill; and independence, 233
Drugs; addiction to, 59; need for
research on indigenous, 420-1
Dublas; emancipation of, 333-4
Durlabhji Umedchand, 436; hunger-
strike of, 435
Dyer, General, 83
Education; adult, 341; and Con-
gress policy, 371; and respect for
women, 248; need for revolution-
izing, 372-3; Wardha Scheme
of, 211/«,233, 340-1, 370-7
Elections; impersonation by voters
in, 320-1
Electorate; separate, and Congress,
218; and Muslims and Scheduled
Castes, 218
Elwin, Verrier, 151
Ends and Means, 390
England ; and Czechoslovak question,
70; and non-violence, 93; violence
basis of democracy in, 389-90
English, 381, 385
— Baptist Mission, 419
Eq^uality; need for, 90
Europe; and non-violence, 253, 388
Famine; in Jaipur, 281 ; in Ramdurg,
453
Fasting; in jail, by Rajkot satyagrahis,
449
Fateh Mahomed Ahmed, 463, 466
Fear; cause of India’s slavery, 59
Federation; and communal unity,
442; and the Muslim League, 441-3
Fire-arms; and the question of trans-
border insecurity, 104
Flag, National; and khadi, 175; hois-
ting of, 48-9; symbol of unity,
purity and non-violence, 132; use
and abuse of, 48-9
Foster, 167
France; and non-violence, 93; demo-
cracy in, 389-90
Frontier Crime Regulation Act;
and border raids, 56
Frydman, Maurice, 265
Gadhadawala, Mohanlal, 450
Gandhi, Arun, 159
Gandhi, Bhogilal, 436
Gandhi, Devdas, 21, 129, 160, 179,
302, 332, 387
Gandhi, Jamnadas, 179
Gandhi, Kanam, 199, 395, 427
Gandhi, Kantilal, 11, 17, 101, 127,
129, 141, 148, 156, 237, 353, 405
Gandhi, Kanu, 35, 108, 228, 313,
315, 331 452
Gandhi, Kasturba, 8, 32, 54, 85, 107
to 109, 120, 157, 158, 160, 180,
184, 199, 215, 231, 237, 315, 317,
353, 363, 370, 378, 391, 395, 400,
417, 418, 423, 425, 426, 429, 430,
437, 438, 440, 443, 466; and Raj-
kot struggle, 3, 387; and untouch-
ability, 167; falls ill, 9, 21, Gan-
dhiji’s teacher in non-violence, 46,
204; her arrest at Rajkot, 346
Gandhi, Lakshmi, 21, 160, 180, 302
Gandhi, Maganlal; tribute to, 255-7
Gandhi, Manilal, 95, 108, 129, 158,
313, 315, 316, 329, 452
Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand;
and Boer War, 269, 421; assault
on, in train in South Africa, 171;
disapproves of his statues being
erected, 386; disbarred by his
Inn, 96; his experiment in brahma-
charya, 7; his inconsistencies, 327,
341; his part in Zulu revolt, 269,
273 ; his partial silence, 160, 172-3;
68-33
506
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
his 21 -day fast for removal of un-
touchability, 172; his evergrowing
correspondence, 91-2
Gandhi, Narandas, 16, 50, 63, 67,
154, 155, 423
Gandhi, Nirmala, 120, 179
Gandhi, Purushottam, 16, 75, 358
Gandhi, Ramdas, 21, 87, 108, 178,
179, 302
Gandhi, Saraswati, 107
Gandhi, Sita, 159
Gandhi, Sushila, 107, 108, 158, 215,
313, 329; advised to go to South
Africa, 312-3, 315-6
Gandhi Seva Sangh, 34
Garasia Association, Rajkot, 465, 466
Germany; Government of, based on
violence, 389-90; inhuman treat-
ment of Jews in, 137-41, 169, 189-
90, 276-8, 381-2
Ghandy, J. J., 176
Gibbon, C. K., 207
Gibson, E. C., 219, 463, 466; and
breach of pact by Thakore Saheb
of Rajkot, 346-8, 360-1, 365-6,
387; his dislike of Congress and
Sardar Patel, 346-8, 401
Gidwani, Choithram, 310
Gilder, Dr., Ill, 305, 417
Girdharilal, 143
Gitanjali, 298
God; and non-violence, 27 1 , 273; and
Prayer, 207; and spinning, 197;
for the hungry, 447; Gandhiji’s
faith in, 268; guidance of, 461;
service of, 43, 117 ?ind passim
Gokibehn, 423
Goshala, 231; expansion of, 182
Government; Thoreau’s definition of
good, 265
Government of India Act of 1935,
347, 389, 390
Govind, 150, 151
Gram Udyog Patrika, 177
Gregg, Richard B., 238
Gulnar, 279
Hacha, Emil, lOfn
Haksar, Kailashnarain; on Praja
Mandals, 355
Halenda; lathi-charges in, 366
Handloom; and mill-cloth, 259
Haq, Abdul, 24, 323
Hardhyansingh, 78
Hardikar, Dr., 238
Harijan, 1, 19, 49, 70, 72, 80, 92, 97,
147, 154, 182, 183, 194, 220, 239,
251, 302, 325, 326, 348, 357, 359,
376, 381, 388, 396>, 400>, 411,
412
Harijan Sevak, 183
Harijan Sevak Sangh, 386
Harijans, 392; betterment of, 73; in
North West Frontier Province, 87
Harrison, Agatha, 43, 82, 95, 122,
123, 128, 225, 251; her meeting
with the Viceroy, 161
Harvey, Major; on Praja Mandals,
355
Heber, Bishop, 252
Hengchih, Tao, Dr., 74, 122
Hind Swaraj, 60, 97
Hindi/Hindustani, 4, 323; and
Urdu, 23-5; as national language,
220; in Madras School, 235//;,
239; official language of Con-
gress, 23; Pathans asked to learn,
4, 5
{The) Hindu, 359fn, 360fn, 396///, 400///
Hindu(s), 83, 84, 138, 319, 389, 414;
and study of Sanskrit, 385
— Civil Liberties Union, Hydera-
bad, 243
— Mahasabha, 243, 308; and civil
disobedience, in Hyderabad, 407-8
INDEX
507
Hindu-Muslim Question; and Con-
gress, 240; Zakir Husain’s memo-
randum on, 467
Unity, 244; and communists,
241 ; and Khudai Khidmatgars, 74,
80-1; and Shaukat Ali, 208; and
socialists, 241 ; and women, 230; as
necessary condition for freedom, 59;
Hinduism, 170; and Christianity, 422;
and untouchability, 137
{The) Hindustan Times, 80, 332, 35iyii,
360>, 410, 411
Hindustan Talimi Sangh, 385
Higginbotham, Mrs., 420
Hingorani, Anand T., 148
Hingorani, Vidya A., 54, 148
Hissar; famine in, 121
Hitler, Adolf, 14, 31, 119, 170, 192,
204 to 206, 252; persecution of
Jews by, 138-9, 276-8, 382
Hobhouse, Emily; her help to the
Boers during war, 270
Hodge, 298
Hodson, H. V., 240, 241
Hoff ME YR, 169
Holmes, John Haynes, 251
Hooten, General, 421
Hospitals; huge expenditure on, 421
Hsu, P. C., 267, 270
Humility; and non-violence, 268
Husain, Zakir, 157, 279; his memo-
randum on Hindu-Muslim ques-
tion, 467
Hydari, Akbar, 248, 29 1 , 308, 439, 448
Hyderabad; Hindu-Muslim question
in, 309; satyagraha in, 163-4, 243,
407-8, — and constructive work,
243-4, — and outside help, 243, 407-
8, — suspension of, 242, 243-4, 248,
308-9, 407-8
Hyderabad State Congress, 439,
448; activities of, 243; and sus-
pension of satyagraha, 407-8
Independence; and drill, 233
Inderpal; his release from prison
requested, 15, 179
India; and boycott of Japanese goods,
263-4; and non-violence, 192,
206, 253; famine in, 297-8; its
culture, 266
{The) Indian Home Rule, see Hind Swa-
raj
Indian National Congress, 17,
94, 118, 398, 403, 427, 437, 441,
452, 465; and Barnabas, 146-
7; and civil liberty, 112, 113;
and Communists, 113-4; and
council-entry, 467; and E. C.
Gibson, 346-8; and Hindu-Mus-
lim question, 240, 443; and Jai-
pur, 326-8; 352; and Kashmir,
240; and khadi, 124-5, 259; and
movement for responsible govern-
ment in Indian States, 151-3,
212-3, 234-5, 326-7, 354-6, 442-3,
— Haripura resolution on, 151,
212-3, — Working Gommittee reso-
lution on, 212-3; and Muslim Lea-
gue, 240; and non-violence, 53,
112, 195, 213, 224, 241, 275-6,
281, 291, 301-2, 327, 351; and
separate electorate, 218; and
socialists, 193-4; and taxation,
338; and Rajkot, 319; construc-
tive activities of, 371; corrup-
tion in, 320-1, 411-2, 467-8,—
eradication of, 96, 125, 359; diffe-
rences in, 354-5; Karachi Reso-
lution of, 193-4; Mahakoshal
session of, 238, 239; membership
of, 125; not totalitarian, 240; pro-
gramme of, 360; reasons for success
of, 272; Tripuri session of, 321,
462, 463, 466; Working Committee
of, 403
Indian Opinion, 256
508
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Indian States, see states
Indo-African Front, 272; forma-
tion of, not desirable, 272-3
Industrialization; and Russia, 266;
not the goal of Congress, 371
Industries; large scale and cottage, 259
International Missionary Council,
20iyh, 419; its Madras meeting of,
165
Islam, 170; and non-violence, 1, 2, 31
Italy; Government of, based on
violence, 389-90
Iyer, C. P. Ramaswamy, 15, 433;
and temple-entry, 287; demand
for removal of, as Dewan ofTra-
vancore, 131-2, 200, 289;his service
to Hindu community, 287; Tra-
vancore Congress charges against,
as Dewan of Travancore, 34, —
withdrawal of, 214, 216-7, 287-
9, — and civil disobedience, 267
Jagannathachari, C., 136
Jaipur; action against Jamnalal
Bajaj in, 281-2, 289-91, 299, 326-
8, 401, 431, — protest against, 350,
361; ban on Praja Mandal in,
299, 361, 401; civil disobedience
in, 337, — launching of, denied by
Jamnalal Bajaj, 283-4; criti-
cism of Gandhiji’s writings on,
answered, 400; duty of Congress
to the people of, 352; famine in,
281; Government communique
on Gandhiji’s statements on
Rajkot and, 365; Maharaja of, a
tool of his Ministers, 290; move-
ment for responsible government
in, 330-1; struggle in, 409, — diffe-
rent from Rajkot struggle, 350
Jaipur Rajya Praja Mandal, 355;
activities of, 284, 291; and famine
relief in Jaipur, 281-2; and action
against Jamnalal Bajaj, 283-4;
and the P. M. of Jaipur, 336; ban
on, in Jaipur, 299, 326-8, 337,
350-2, 361; and Sir W. Beau-
champ St. John, 366-7
Jairamdas Doulatram, 150, 196,
310, 312
Jaju, Srikrishnadas, 77
Jallianwala Bagh Congress In-
quiry Committee, 83, 229
Jamia Millia; stoppage of aid to,
by Bhopal, 279
Japan; Buddhist influence in, 188;
boycott of its goods by India,
263-4; co-operative movements
in, 295; her policy of dumping
goods on India, 187-8; her war
against China, 262-3, 268-71,
295-6
Jardine, 251, 254
Jasani, Becharbhai; ill-treatment of,
in Rajkot, 347
Jasani, Nanalal, 450
Jasaram, 305
Jayaprakash Narayan, 39, 156,
157, 199
Jehovah, 139, 140; a personal God,
138
Jerajani, Purushottam K., 314
Jethanand, 394
{The) Jewish Contribution to Civiliza-
tion (Cecil Roth), 141
Jews; and Palestine, 137; persecu-
tion of, in Germany, 169, 276-8,
381-2, — non-violent resistance ad-
vised, 138-41, 189-90, 191-3, 193,
202, 204, 276-8, 382
JiLANi, Abdul Quadir, 84
JiNNAH, M. A., 31, 303
John, 310
JoHRi, Chandrabhal, 392
Joseph, Pothan, 38
INDEX
509
JoSHI, 11
JosHi, Chhaganlal, 67, 108
JosHi, N. M., 226
JuNAGADH, Nawab of; his donation
for Harijan fund, 67
Jyoti Sangh; and emancipation of
women, 342
Kagawa, Toyohiko, 295
Kalelkar, Bal, 22, 146
Kalelkar, D. B., 22, 146, 150, 164,
184, 293, 294, 311, 369, 437, 438,
458, 459
Kalelkar, Satis D., 460
Kalelkar, Shankar, 255, 293, 313
Kalidas; and obscenity, 91
Kallenbach, Hermann, 96, 302,
420, 424, 425, 427, 430, 452
Kamala, 16, 402
Kamat, Sanjiva, 293
Kanabur, 453
Kanpur; Hindu-Muslim riots in, 438
Kantak, Premabehn, 130, 146, 302
Kanya Gurukul, Dehradun, 231;
and obscene literature, 9 1 ; an-
nual day celebration of, 120-1,
237
Kapurthala; responsible Govern-
ment in, 224
Karnatak Provincial Congress
Committee, 435, 455
Kashmir; and the Indian National
Congress, 240
Kathiawar; Harijan work in, 89
Kauravas; 297
Kemal Ataturk; and the purdah , 128;
death of, 110; obituary of, 143
Keshavdevji, 229
Khabardar, Ardeshar F., 369
Khadi, 59, 73;and A.I. S.A., 219-20;
and Congress, 124-5, 259; and
Congress Ministers, 88, 173-5;
and Jawaharlal Nehru, 175; and
mill-cloth, 173-4; price of, 314;
and relief to famine areas, 456;
and socialists, 68; and swadeshi, 87 ;
and Swaraj, 124, 133, 175; and
women, 230; economics of, 174-6;
Maganlal Gandhi’s work for, 256;
propagation of, 173-6; spirit of
the Congress constitution, 88
Khan, Abdul Ghaffar, 1, 4, 6, 1 1, 20,
27, 28, 32, 39, 42, 55, 58, 62,
64, 70, 71, 82, 83, 102, 104, 106,
123, 127, 130, 178, 206, 218, 250,
251, 254, 324; tribute to, 115-9,
322
Khan, Ajmal, 32
Khan, Mir Alam; his assault on
Gandhiji, 65
Khan, Sikandar Hayat, 15
Khan Saheb, 12, 56, 109, 395
Khandesh; prohibition in, 305
Khare, Dr. N. B., 145
Khare, Narayana M. ; tribute to, 358
Kheda; restoration of auctioned land
in, 150
Kher, B.G., 71, 193, 227
Kherie, M. Altaf A., 289
Khudai Khidmatgars, 19, 32, 57;
advised to wear khadi, 88; asked
to adopt non-violence, 1-4, 4-5,
11-4, 20, 27-30, 39-40, 41-3, 44-
7, 55, 58-61, 62, 63-5, 74, 81-2,
83-4, 102-3, 105-6, 115-9; and
Hindu-Muslim amity, 80-1; and
spinning, 322; and work in villages,
118; their capacity for organiza-
tion, 98; their duty of protecting
citizens against raids, 104
Kond Hills; conversion of abori-
ginal races in, 422
Koran, 2, 31, 322, 381
Kosambi, Dharmanand, 190
Kripalani, J. B., 332
510
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Krishna, Lord, 296, 297
Krishnachandra, 70, 73, 197, 294,
396, 406
Krishnaswamy, 279
Kruger, 139
Kumarappa, Bharatan, 160
Kumarappa, J. C., 76 to 78, 122, 126,
177, 186, 196, 209, 235, 256, 362
Kumarappa, Sita, 362
Kunzru, Hridayanath, 233
Kusum, 358
Labourer; landless, and the char-
kha, 60
Land; bill to provide for the restora-
tion of confiscated, 36
Language; basis for redistribution of
Provinces, 235
Lawyers, 96-7 ; and non-co-opera-
tion, 149
Leper Home, Cuttack, 419
Lester, Muriel, 196, 254, 261, 285; her
tribute to Abdul Ghaffar Khan, 322
Lew, Timothy Tingfang, 262, 267
Limbdi; cruelties on members of Praja
Mandal of, 394, 435-6; Yuvraj of,
and movement for responsible
Government in, 434-7
Linlithgow, Lord, 121, 234, 330,
357, 408, 440, 447
Literature; obscene, 71
Love; as social virtue, 307; as human
nature, 57
Lutheran Church, 276
McGregor; on Praja Mandals, 355
Madgavkar, 129
Madras; and prohibition, 221, 222;
anti-Hindi agitation in, 239; use
of Criminal Law Amendment Act
by Congress Government in, 220
Magan Sangrahalaya and Udyog
Bhavan, 255
McGavran; his fabricated account
of Gandhiji’s meeting with mis-
sionaries, 166
Mahabharata, 297
Mahmud, Dr. Syed, 122
Mahodaya, Dr., 90
Mahomed, 271
Mahtab, Harekrushna, 312, 399
Malaviya, Madan Mohan, 24, 233,
239
Malkani, N. R., 178, 315, 398; and
khadi, 310
The Manchester Guardian, 441, 442
Manikrao, 239
Manju, 358
Marwadi Relief Society, 318
Masani, M. R., 68, 109
Masani, Rustom, 26
Mashruwala, Gomati, 159
Mashruwala, Kishorelal G., 35, 130,
159, 398
Mashruwala, Manubehn S., 229,
316, 452
Mashruwala, Nanabhai, 73, 107, 108,
136, 158, 187, 215, 304, 384
Mashruwala, Surendra, 316
Mass Production, 258
Massingham; on life in country, 97
Meat-eating; and police officers, 69
Medicine; Western, unsuitable for
India, 420
Mehr Taj, 178
Mehta, Balwantrai; and struggle in
Kathiawar, 403
Mehta, Dinsha, 312
Mehta, Jivraj, 6, 417
Mehta, Vaikunthlal L., 180
Menon, Raman; death of, 278
Mewar; repression of national
awakening in, 415-6
Mewar Praja Mandal, 16,415, 416
INDEX
511
Mildred, 254
Minto, Lord, 356
Mirabehn, 6, 10, 35, 65, 70, 73,
84, 95, 96, 100, 120, 121, 123,
127, 143, 147, 150, 159, 160, 176,
178, 196, 225, 250, 254, 285, 302,
310, 322, 363, 368, 417, 461, 463
Missionaries; and constructive work,
170; and non-violence, 170; their
work among lepers commended,
419-20
Missionary Conference, Tamba-
ram, 270
( The) Modern Review, 80
Mody, Prahladrai, 436
Money; dependence on, 167-8
Montagu, 201
Morarjee, Shantikumar N., 161,
181
Moss, Leslie B., 201/«
Mott, John R., 165, 177, 193,
201//I
Mudaliar, a. Palaniappa, 286
Muirhead, 96
Munavalli, 455
Mundra, Damodardas, 191
Municipal Boards; an excrescence,
222-4
Municipal Councillors; their duty
to ratepayers, 338-40
Munoli, 453, 454
Munshi, K. M., 71, 190, 193, 357
Murdoch, 252
Muslim Council Faction, Rajkot, 464
Muslim League; and the Indian
National Congress, 240; and Fede-
ration, 441-3
Muslim(s), 138, 279, 389, 414, 463;
and Congress, 443; and Gandhiji,
323; and Hindus, 81; and move-
ment for swaraj, 241 ; and separate
electorate, 218; and study of
Arabic, 385; and violence, 332
Mussolini, Benito, 14, 31, 170, 204,
205
Mysore; Maharaja of, 344
Nagarsheth, Lalchandbhai; hunger-
strike of, 435
Naidu, B. V. Narayanswami, 136
Naidu, Padmaja, l^lfn
Nanak, Guru, 100
Nanavati, Amritlal T., 8, 9, 22, 23,
35, 86, 90, 181, 182, 186, 199,
293, 311, 430, 437, 438
Naoroji, Dadabhai, 25, 68; tribute
to, 25, 26
Narayanswami, 439, 448
Nariman, K. F., 214
Narubha, 436
National Ghristian Council, 167
Nature Cure, 418
Nayyar, Pyarelal, 19, 91, 101, 108,
116, 120, 183, 190, 228, 287, 332,
437, 452
Nayyar, Dr. Sushila, 7, 43, 65, 108,
120, 181, 186, 302, 363, 400, 417,
429, 452
Nehru, Indira, 134, 142, 144, 147,
161, 368, 379
Nehru, Jawaharlal, 72, 128, 134, 142
to 145, 161, 185, 198, 227, 296,
368, 383, 398, 403; advises suspen-
sion of satyagraha in Hyderabad,
243; and khadi, 175
Nehru, Motilal, 24
Nehru, Rameshwari, 120, 183, 325
Newspapers; action against, in Tra-
vancore, 432; untruth in, 411-3
New Testament, 306. See also bible
Niemoeller, Martin; sufferings of,
and Hitler, 276-8
Nirmala, 452
Non-co-operators; reinstatement
claims by, 149-50
512
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Non-violence, 14, 95, 182, 188,211,
217, 228, 260, 267, 300, 301, 302,
319, 321, 324, 345, 346, 351, 371,
384, 388, 401, 433, 446; an active
principle, 29, 202; and aerial war-
fare, 204; and Africans, 273; and
America, 252; and Bhagavad Gita,
296-7; and charkha, 339; and
China, 262-3; and Christianity,
30-1, 170; and Communists, 112,
114; and Congress, 53, 170, 195,
213, 224, 275-6, 281, 291, 301-2,
327, 351; and Constructive Work,
132; and Czechs, 93-5, 139, 193,
205; and democracy, 94, 388-90;
and Europe, 193,253; and freedom
movement, 118, 285, 302, — in
States, 213, 274, 275; and Gau-
tama Buddha, 297; and giving of
alms, 447 ; and God, 271, 273 ; and
humility, 268; and India, 94, 192,
206, 253, 391; and insects, 341-2;
and Islam, 31; and Jews, 138-41,
189-90, 191-3, 193,202, 204,276-8,
382; and Jesus Christ, 306-7; and
Khudai Khidmatgars and Pathans,
1-4, 11-4, 20, 27-30, 39-40, 41-3,
44-7, 55, 58-61, 62, 63-4, 65, 81-2,
83-4, 102-3, 105-6, 115-9,206,388;
and the national flag, 49; and
passive resistance, 192; and peace,
206; and resistance to evil, 65,
81-2, 83; and self-defence, 56-7;
and socialists, 68; and students, 18,
445; and truth, 46; and the weak,
93, 99, 106, 116; and women, 52,
53, 230, 244-7; as soul force, 3;
criterion of, 342; principle of, 29,
99; working of, 388-91
North-West Frontier Province;
and non-violence, 206, 388; Bor-
der raids in, and armed defence,
104, — and armed violence, 83-4, —
result of British policy, 55-6
Obscenity; in literature, and Arya
Samaj, 71, 91
Organization; violent and non-
violent, 64
Orissa; and relief of Talcher refugees,
318; atrocities on the people of,
301-2; murder of political agent of,
285, 300-2, 330; situation in, 409
OsMANiA University; and “Bande
Mataram”, 309
OssiETZKY, Carl Von; persecution of,
by Nazis, 276-7
Palestine; Arab-Jews question in,
137, 140-1
Palitana ; responsible government for,
260
Pancholi, Manubhai, 109, 384, 39lfn,
425
Pancholi, Vijayabehn M., 424, 426,
438, 446
Pandavas, 297
Pandit, Ranjit, 185
Pandit, Vijayalakshmi, 161, 185, 399,
403, 426
Pannalal, 225
Pansina; terrorism against Praja Man-
dal workers in, 435
Pant, Govind Vallabh, 195
Paparamma, 101
Paramount Power; and Indian
States, 354-6; its duty to the people
of Rajkot, 348, 366, — to the people
of States, 331, — to protect people
from Princes, 401; its protection
of Princes, 401. See also princes
Parekh, Chandan, 146, 255, 304,
313, 331, 460
Parekh, Indu N., 236
Parekh, Ramibehn K., 316
Parikh, Narahari D., 423
INDEX
513
Parnerkar, Y. M., 35, 86, 182, 213,
232, 236
Parulekar; his condemnation of civil
rights bill of, 226-7
Parvati, 369
Passive Resistance ; and non-violence,
192
Patel, Chitta, 345
Patel, Dahyabhai M., 317
Patel, J. P., 198
Patel, Manibehn, 71, 101, 127,
155, 182, 231, 370, 378, 392, 395,
400, 406, 410, 418, 425, 427, 430,
466; arrest of, 387; her love of
charkha, 242
Patel, Dr. Rajab Ali Vishram, 229;
death of, 215/«
Patel, Ravindra R; advised to emb-
race poverty, 304
Patel, Vallabhbhai, 34, 71, 127, 135,
136, 156, 162, 163, 180, 196, 198,
214, 219, 230, 234, 260, 280, 293,
302, 305, 308, 333, 356, 380, 392,
406, 410, 415, 418, 450, 451, 453,
454; and dissensions between Guja-
ratis and Maharashtrians, 342;
and the movement for responsible
government in Rajkot, 274, 287-9,
319, 346, 354, 360-1, 365-6, 401
Patel, Vijaya N., 9, 72, 90, 109,
157, 187, 384>, 391>
Pathans; and violence, 41
Patil, K. S., 453
Patil, L. M., 404
Paton, Williams, 2Q\fn
Pattani, Anantrai, 136
Patwardhan, 130
Patwardhan, Appasaheb, 292
Patwari, Ranchhodlal, 163, 280
Paul, A. A., 166
Paul, K. T., 166
Peace ; and non-violence, see under
NON-VIOLENCE
Persian, 385
Pharisees, 306
Phcenix Settlement, 256
Pickett, Bishop, 166_/h
PiLLAi, Pattern Thanu, 164, 214, 216,
280
PiLLAi, S. Velu, 267
Pipodara; spinning competition in, 5
Planning Commission, 258
Poverty; virtue of, 76
Prabhavati, 17, 39, 156, 199, 405,
425, 440
Pratap, 438yh
Prayer, 294; and God, 207; and
faith, 271 ; longing for communion
with one’s Maker, 100
Prema, 22
Premi Jairamdas, 162
Princes; and British Government,
151-2 ; and fear of Residents, 275.
See also paramount power
Princes Protection Act, 410
Prithvi Singh, 228, 286
Privy Purse; for Aundh ruler, 90
Production; large-scale, 258
Prohibition, 300; and Congress
Ministries, 221-2; and police offi-
cers, 60; and revenue, 221-2 ; and
socialists, 68; in Ahmedabad, 222 ;
in Hyderabad, 244; in Salem Dis-
trict, 136; in Travancore, 280;
Travancore Congress Advised to
work for, 133
Provinces; redistribution of, on lin-
guistic basis, 235
Purdah; and Ataturk, 128; and women,
230
PuRULiA Leper Asylum, 419
Purushottamdas Thakurdas, 357
Qureshi, Gulam Rasool, 423
Qureshi, Shuaib, 120, 157, 279
514
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Radhakrishnan, S., 35, 235, 239
Raja Saheb, 159
Rajabhushan, Syk, 86
Rajagopalachari, C., 92, 112, 235/ra,
239, 278, 404, 426, 458; and
prohibition, 221
Rajendra, 75, 123
Rajendra Prasad, 305, 324, 382,
383, 392, 393
Rajkot, 274, 326, 327-8, 354-6, 360-1,
387, 400, 409, 444, 447; and Mus-
lims, 464, — and Hindus, 319, 328;
committee for reforms in, 135, 136;
Dewan of, 291 ; fast, by satyagraha
prisoners of, 449; Gandhiji’s visit
to, 450, 451, 460, 462; goondaism
and violence in, 67-8, 366; move-
ment for responsible government
in, 71, 127, 135, 219, 346-8,
350, — resumption of, 330; satya-
graha in, 156, 160, 280/h, — and
outside help, 156, 163-4, — suspen-
sion of, 450, 451, 462; settlement
in, 274, — and Mussalmans and
Bhayats, 365, 366; Thakore Saheb
of, 135, 136, 234, 319, 435,— and
his pact with the people, 330, —
breach of, 346-8, 401
— Praja Parishad ; and Muslims, 464
Ralol; terrorism against Praja Man-
dal workers at, 435
Rama, Lord, 400, 417
Ramachandran, G., 34, 71,101, 128,
134, 280, 353, 405, 432, 433; and
the Travancore movement, 288
Ramana Maharshi, 40, 489
Ramanama, 294, 363; and charkha,
295
Ramanuja, 298
Ramayana, 298, 400
Ramdas, Acharya, 120
Ramdurg; Gongressmen in, advised
to stand by the Raja Saheb, 455-6;
famine in, 453 ; lathi-charge in,
453 ; popular demands conceded
in, 454-5; Raja Saheb of, 453
— Sansthan Praja Sangh, 453, 454;
attempt by, to terrorize the ruler
of, condemned, 455-6
Rami, 452
Ramjibhai, 317
Ranga, Prof., 318
Rangaswami, 344
Rampur; murder of political agent of
Orissa in, 319
Rao, Bahadur Pradhan, 454
Rao, Narasingh, 309
Ratna, 180
Religions; equality of, 289
Revenue; and prohibition, 221-2
Reynold, Reginald, 179
Rice; unpolished, husking of, 186, —
its introduction in villages, 177-8
Rights, Fundamental; need for defi-
ning, 90
Riots; communal, in Kanpur, 438;
in Dera Ismail Khan, 394, 395;
use of force to quell, 169-70
Robertson, 355
Roman Script; compared with Deva-
nagari, 380-1
Rome; decline of, 321
Round Table Gonference, 322
Rowlatt Act; and riots in Ahmeda-
bad, 415
Roy, Dr. Bidhan Chandra, 417, 428
Roy, Kumar Sing, 21
Roy, Motilal, 53, 154, 395
Ruikar, R. S.; his fast, 121
Russia; industrialization in, 266; viol-
ence basis of government in, 389-
90
Salem; Prohibition in, 136, 222
Sampurnanand, 467
INDEX
515
Sangli; Conference of Deccan States’
People in, 453-4
Santiniketan; represents India, 298
Sapru, Tej Bahadur, 24
Sarabhai, Ambalal, 369
Sarabhai, Mridula, 231, 238, 302,
325, 335, 342, 343, 418, 427,
430, 466
Saraswati, 17, 39, 128, 210, 237,
353, 405
Sardhar; inhuman treatment of pri-
soners of, 449
Sarkar, Nalini Ranjan, 218
Sastri, V.S. Srinivasa, 15, 19, 443
Sastri, Srinivasa, 457, 459
Satan, 297
Satyagraha, 5, 133, 251, 427; a way
of life, 407 ; and civil disobedience,
42, 45-6; and Jews, 138-41;
and States, 300-2; and suffering,
433; as last weapon, 441; essence
of, 163-4; for freedom of speech,
331; for the weakest, 387; in
British India, 416; in Rajkot, 156;
in South Africa, 139, 168, 204.
See also civil disobedience
Satyagrahis, 42; qualities of, 149;
their capacity for suffering, 444
Satyavati, 210
Savji, 67
ScHLESiN, Sonja, 96, 108, 452
Segaon; illnesses in, 85
Self-defence; as birthright, 56-7
Shah, Chimanlal N., 35, 86, 182,
213, 237
Shah, Kanchan M., 123
Shah, Munnalal G., 10, 100, 123,
182, 384
Shah, Shakaribehn, 51, 86
Shah, Sharda C., 9, 51, 86, 162, 177,
254, 316, 380, 384>, 394
Shaikh Chandbhai, 423
Shakmtala (Kalidas); and obscenity, 91
Shambhushankar, 260
Shamlal, 14, 179, 228
Shanghai; bombed by the Japanese,
262
Shankaracharya, 298
Shanta, 196
Sharma, Balkrishna, 37, 438
Sharma, H. L., 33, 184,261, 364, 418
Sharma, Vichitra Narayan, 226
Shastri, Dharma Dev, 91
Shibli, 25
Shinde, General, 343, 379
Shriman Narayan, 294
Shukla, Chandrashanker, 180
Shukla, Dalpatram; death of, 11
Shumsher Singh, 7, 37, 145, 154,
159, 185, 199, 231
Siani; terrorism against Praja Mandal
workers in, 435
Sikar; crisis in, 283; Rao Rana of,
350; release of prisoners of, 281,
282
Sikhs; and the kirpan, 2
SiTA, 400; ideal of chastity, 298
SiTARAMAYYA, Pattabhi, 227, 230, 359,
442
Smith, Dr., 201_/h
Smith, Celestine, 2 1 1
Smuts, General Jan G., 30
Socialist(s); and the constructive
programme, 68; and Congress,
193-4; and Hindu-Muslim unity,
241 ; and State ownership of means
of production, 113; and violence,
113
Solon; and Croesus, 105
Somabhai, 5
Soptekar, 8
South Africa; and satyagraha, 139,
168, 204, 385; Indians in, 385-6,
— and Africans, 273; struggle
in, and Kasturba Gandhi, 387
Speech; freedom of, 90
516
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
Spiegel, Margarete, 183, 209
Spinning, 48, 59, 244, 339, 374; and
God, 197; and Khudai Khidmat-
gars, 322; and other disciplines,
373; and swaraj, 257; and unem-
ployment, 257
St. John, Sir Beauchamp, 299, 303,
326, 335, 350 to 352, 408; and
civil disobedience in Jaipur, 361,
401 ; demand for recall of, 352; his
interview with Chudgar, 314, 351-
2; his opposition of Jamnalal Bajaj
and Jaipur Rajya Praja Mandal,
330, 336, 366-7
State(s); and Congress 151-3, 212-3,
234-5, 326-7, 354-6, 442-3; and
satyagraha, 300-2; and un-
touchability, 89; movement for
responsible government in, 151-3,
318-20, — and Federation, 443, —
and outside help, 212-3; resolution
of Haripura Congress on, 151,
212-3; rulers of, and dealings with
Congressmen, 234-5
(The) Statesman, 276, 278, 332, 413
(The) Story of My Experiments with
Truth, 268
Students; and charkha, 133; and
civil disobedience, 132-3; and
constructive work, 133; and non-co-
-operation, 149; and Rajkot satya-
graha, 156; rowdyism of, in Tra-
vancore, 18; strike by, in Annama-
lai University, 457-9, — and non-
violence, 444-5
Sultan, 423
SuNDERDAs, Shyamji, 39
Sunderpershad, 439
SuRDAS, 25
SuRESH Singh, 424
Swadeshi; definition of, 431
Swaraj; and civil disobedience, 243-4;
and communal dissensions, 328;
and constructive work, 118,243-4;
and ending of corruption in Cong-
ress, 96; and khadi, 87, 124, 133,
175, 249; and non-violence, 285,
302; and spinning, 257; and vil-
lage industries, 256; definition of,
431
Tagore, Rabindranath, 298
Tai, 231, 254
Takaoka, D., 187, 188
Talcher; atrocities in, 318, 330, 348,
— denial by ruler, 413
Tamil, 381
Tamilnad Spinners’ Association, 286
Taxation; and Indian National Con-
gress, 338; direct and indirect,
340
Tema, S. S., 272
Temple-entry; and C. P. Ramaswami
Iyer, 287; and the Princes, 89;
and untouchability, 89
Thakar, Manubhai; assault on, 436
Thakkar, Amritlal V., 87, 184, 303,
305, 318, 336, 413
Thakore, Dharmendrasinh, 219;
and the Rajkot settlement, 274,
274-5
Thoreau, Henry David; and the ideal
government, 265,
(The) Times of India, 220
Travancore; action against news-
papers in, 432; amnesty to civil dis-
obedience prisoners in, 6 1 ; char-
ges against the Dewan of, — with-
drawal of, 214, 216-7, 241, 267,
280, 287-9; Christians in, 287-9, —
and Hindus in, 319-20; civil
disobedience / satyagraha/ Congress
movement in, and suspension of,
15, 18, 131-2, 200, 214, 216-7,
241, 280, 432, 433-4; Gandhiji’s
INDEX
517
silence about, 413; Maharani of,
287, 289, 433; reforms in, 15, 214,
216-7; prohibition in, 280; repres-
sion in, 432-3, — and Hinduism,
414; 433; responsible govern-
ment in, and communal unity,
319-20, 414
Travancore Assembly; disqualifica-
tion of Congress members of, 432;
unseating of, 19; members in, 413
— Satyagraha; suspension advised,
if violence persists, 34
— State Congress, 432 to 434; and
withdrawal of charges against
Dewan of Travancore, 413; charge
of violence against, 34
Tripuri; Congress session in, 321
Trusteeship, 465
Truth, 192, 371; essential for non-
violence, 46
Tulsidas, 25, 298
Unemployment ; non-violence to over-
come, 60; and spinning, 257
Untouchability, 167, 168, 201; and
Hinduism, 137; and Jesus Christ,
306; and temple-entry, 89; era-
dication of, 59, 90, 249, — and
women, 230; Gandhi’s 21-day
fast for the eradication of, 172;
removal of, 244
Untouchables; and separate electo-
rate, 218
Urdu, 281; and Hindi, 23-5
Vaidya, Kashinathrao, 308
Vaidya, Mathura Prasad; cruelties on,
415, 416
Valji, Jeychand; assault on, 435
Vamanchand, 294
Vanat Shastra, 256
Varma, Maniklal; cruelties on, 416
Vatsala, 8
Vatsalyachi Prasaddiksha, 130/ii
Verm A, Harsaran, 185, 211
Versailles; Treaty of, and Hitler’s
rise to power, 206
Vidyarthi, Ganesh Shankar; his
death in communal riot, 438
Vidyarthi, Prabhu Dayal, 165, 468
Vijayalakshmi, 158
Villages; exploitation of, in ancient
India, 80, 259; need for training
village workers to act as doctors
in, 421; self-sufficiency for, 266
Village Industries; revival of, goal
of Congress, 371
Violence; and Communists, 112-3;
and Congressmen, 113; and Socia-
lists, 112-3
ViRAWALA, Durbar, 463
Vyasji, 384
Wadia, Sophia, 144
War; question of participation in,
17
Wardha; simple living and spirit of
non-violence in, 211
Warner, Lee, 437
Waziris; their relations with India,
324
Weaving, 59
West; and non-violence, 193
Why the Village Movement, 362
Williams, 65
Williams, Rushbrook, 441, 442
WiNTERTON, Earl, 151, 152
What War Means, 296
Which Way to Peace, 238/ii
Women; and charkha, 230; and eradi-
cation of untouchability, 230; and
Hindu-Muslim unity, 230; and
khaddar, 230; and non-violence.
518
THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI
52, 53, 230, 244-7; and purdah,
230; education of, 341; regard
for, 349-50; teasing of, 348-50;
their duty to home and society,
342-3
World Dominion', fabricated account of
Gandhiji’s meeting with missiona-
ries in, 166/ii
Wu, Y. T., 267
Yalgi, 453
Yashoda, 426
Young, F. S., 282; his treatment of
Jamnalal Bajaj, 396, 410-1
Young Women’s Christian Associa-
tion, 2\\fn
Zainab, 215
Zakir Husain Committee; report of,
233
Zaveri, Gangabehn, 225
Zaveri, Nanibehn, 225
Zulu Rebellion; Gandhiji’s partici-
pation in, 273
Zulu Revolt; Gandhiji’s part in,
269
Zulus; cruelties on, by the Whites,
273-4
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